Advances in the syntax of DPs : structure, agreement, and case / / edited by Anna Bondaruk, Gréte Dalmi, Alexander Grosu ; contributors, Artur Bartnik [and twelve others]

• Pubblicazione: Amsterdam, Netherlands ; ; Philadelphia, Pennsylvania : , : John Benjamins Publishing Company, , 2014; ©2014
• Descrizione fisica: 1 online resource (338 p.)
• Disciplina: 415
• Soggetto topico: Grammar, Comparative and general - Syntax; Grammar, Comparative and general - Determiners; Grammar, Comparative and general - Case; Semantics; Definiteness (Linguistics)
• Persona (resp. second.): BondarukAnna; DalmiGréte; GrosuAlexander; BartnikArtur; TrugmanHelen (1962-2012)
• Note generali: Description based upon print version of record.
• Nota di bibliografia: Includes bibliographical references at the end of each chapters and index.
• Nota di contenuto: Advances in the Syntax of DPs; Editorial page; Title page; LCC data; Dedication page; Table of content; List of contributors; List of abbreviations; List of figures; Editors' note; Preface; Introduction; References; The overgeneration problem and the case of semipredicatives in Russian; 1. Introduction; 2. Some empirical and conceptual issues; 2.1 "Divided" control; 2.2 The problem of variation; 3. Some alternative approaches; 3.1 Vertical binding; 3.2 Control as movement; 3.3 A probe-goal and Agree account; 3.4 A government and binding account; 4. Comparison of approaches: Overarching issues ; 4.1 Agreement in case 4.2 Variation; 4.3 Avoiding overgeneration; 5. Semipredicatives versus other adjectives; 5.1 Some data and puzzles; 5.2 Direct assignment; 6. Components of a solution; 6.1 Some leading ideas; 6.1.1 Agreement versus assignment; 6.1.2 Dative versus instrumental; 6.1.3 Arguments versus adjuncts; 6.2 Predicate adjective agreement is local; 6.2.1 Structure is parsimonious; 6.3 Semipredicatives versus ordinary adjectives; 6.3.1 Why ordinary adjectives do not enter into the SD; 6.3.2 Why semipredicatives are not default instrumental ; 6.3.3 Why ordinary adjectives always have an instrumental option 6.3.4 Why semipredicatives must agree where ordinary adjectives can; 6.3.5 Why agreement under obligatory Object Control is only possible for semipredicatives; 6.4 Brief thoughts on variation; 6.5 Movement, multi-attachment, timing, and feature sharing; References; Polish equatives as symmetrical structures; 1. Introduction; 2. Inventory of Polish equatives; 3. How do equatives differ from predicational and specificational clauses in Polish?; 3.1 Predicational and specificational clauses in Polish ; 3.2 Equatives vs. predicational and specificational clauses in Polish 4. Asymmetrical structure for Polish equatives; 5. Symmetrical structure of Polish equatives; 5.1 Pereltsvaig's (2001, 2007) analysis; 5.2 Pereltsvaig's analysis applied to Polish; 6. Summary; References; Syntactic (dis)agreement is not semantic agreement; 1. Introduction; 2. Two types of number mismatch; 2.1 Singulars with plural agreement ('sg/pl'); 2.2 Plurals with singular agreement ('pl/sg'); 2.3 The proposal; 3. Two types of number mismatch: Empirical evidence; 3.1 Distribution: Copular clauses versus verbal predicates ; 3.2 Binding and control 3.3 Semantic properties of the subject; 3.3.1 Quantification; 3.3.2 Definiteness, specificity and genericity; 3.4 Productivity; 4. An analysis of phi-feature mismatches; 4.1 Previous proposals; 4.2 Against a one-level model; 4.3 A two-level model of agreement; 4.4 Application to pl/sg and sg/pl; 4.5 Residual problems; 5. Conclusion; References; A note on oblique case; 1. Introduction; 2. Oblique case, indeclinable nominals, and a Case Realization Condition; 2.1 Undeclined nominals; 2.2 Oblique case and a case realization requirement; 3. The Puzzle ; 4. Oblique case is uniformly P-governed: The P-copying proposal
• Sommario/riassunto: This chapter argues for the view that Standard Free Relatives and Transparent Free Relatives have exactly the same bi-dimensional configurational structures, and against the view that they have distinct multi-dimensional structures, the transparent variety being externally headed by a token of a CP-internal post-copular phrase. It is argued that the proposed view yields superior analyses of the following facts: [i] Transparent Free Relatives are typically construed as existentially quantified, regardless of the quantificational force of the pivot, and [ii] certain case mismatch effects, predic
• Titolo autorizzato: Advances in the syntax of DPs
• ISBN: 90-272-6969-6
• Formato: Materiale a stampa
• Livello bibliografico: Monografia
• Lingua di pubblicazione: Inglese
• Record Nr.: 9910809179503321
• Lo trovi qui: Univ. Federico II
• Serie: Linguistik aktuell ; ; Volume 217.