Verb clusters : a study of Hungarian, German and Dutch / / edited by Katalin E. Kiss, Henk van Riensdijk |
Pubbl/distr/stampa | Amsterdam ; ; Philadelphia : , : J. Benjamins, , 2004 |
Descrizione fisica | 1 online resource (vi, 514 pages) |
Disciplina | 415/.6 |
Altri autori (Persone) |
KissKatalin E
RiemsdijkHenk C. van |
Collana | Linguistik aktuell,Linguistics today |
Soggetto topico |
Hungarian language - Verb phrase
German language - Verb phrase Dutch language - Verb phrase |
ISBN |
1-282-16051-6
9786612160516 90-272-9559-X |
Formato | Materiale a stampa |
Livello bibliografico | Monografia |
Lingua di pubblicazione | eng |
Record Nr. | UNINA-9910782038803321 |
Amsterdam ; ; Philadelphia : , : J. Benjamins, , 2004 | ||
Materiale a stampa | ||
Lo trovi qui: Univ. Federico II | ||
|
Verb clusters : a study of Hungarian, German and Dutch / / edited by Katalin E. Kiss, Henk van Riensdijk |
Edizione | [1st ed.] |
Pubbl/distr/stampa | Amsterdam ; ; Philadelphia, : J. Benjamins, 2004 |
Descrizione fisica | 1 online resource (vi, 514 pages) |
Disciplina | 415/.6 |
Altri autori (Persone) |
KissKatalin E
RiemsdijkHenk C. van |
Collana | Linguistik aktuell,Linguistics today |
Soggetto topico |
Hungarian language - Verb phrase
German language - Verb phrase Dutch language - Verb phrase |
ISBN |
1-282-16051-6
9786612160516 90-272-9559-X |
Formato | Materiale a stampa |
Livello bibliografico | Monografia |
Lingua di pubblicazione | eng |
Nota di contenuto |
Verb Clusters -- Editorial page -- Title page -- LCC page -- Table of contents -- Verb clusters -- 1. Opening remarks -- 2. Some properties of verb clusters: The view from Germanic -- 2.1. Is there a cluster? -- 2.2. Adjacency -- 2.3. Partial movement and nominalization -- 2.4. Clause union and transparency phenomena -- 2.5. Morphological properties -- 2.6. Trigger verbs -- 2.7. Ordering within a verb cluster -- 2.8. Approaches to the analysis of verb clusters in Germanic -- 3. The view from Hungarian -- 3.1. Is there a cluster? Three types of infinitival constructions -- 3.2. The verbs that cluster -- 3.3. Analyzing verb clusters -- 4. Outlook -- Acknowledgements -- References -- West Germanic verb clusters -- 1. Introduction -- 2. West Germanic verb clusters -- 2.1. The distribution of two-verb clusters -- 2.2. The distribution of three-verb clusters -- 3. Questionnaire-based study of German verb clusters3 -- 3.1. Outline of the questionnaire -- 3.2. Goal and scope of the questionnaire -- 3.3. Consultants -- 3.4. Summary of results -- 4. Empirical generalizations -- 4.1. What are verb cluster languages? -- 4.2. Generalizations of the inversion patterns -- 5. Conclusion -- Notes -- References -- Appendix -- A. Data and inversion patterns -- B. Questionnaire -- C. Other statistical results -- Hungarian verbal clusters -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Roll-up -- 3. Particle climbing -- 4. Látszik `seem' - a stress-avoiding verb that does not trigger particle climbing -- 5. Conclusion -- Notes -- References -- Appendix -- I SURVEY 1 -- 3 Question 3 -- II SURVEY 2 -- III THE QUESTIONNAIRES -- Clustering theories* -- 1. Verb clusters -- 2. Headedness and constituency -- 2.1. Extended headedness -- 2.2. Inheritance versus reanalysis -- 2.3. Why OV? -- 2.4. Limits of extended headedness -- 3. Movement and antisymmetry -- 4. The Hungarian connection.
4.1. Preverbs and particles -- 5. Concluding remarks -- Notes -- References -- ``Roll-up'' structures and morphological words* -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Adverbials on the right -- 3. V-raising in Hungarian -- Notes -- References -- The structure of clusters -- 1. Modeling inflection -- 1.1. The language CAT -- 1.2. Inflectional systems as an instantiation of CAT -- 1.3. Some inflectional systems -- 1.4. Verb (Projection) Raising as an instance of CAT -- 2. The Hungarian verbal system -- 2.1. The verbal system without VMs -- 2.2. The verbal system with VMs -- 2.3. Is roll-up really lexical? -- Notes -- References -- A stress-based approach to climbing* -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Stress in Hungarian -- 3. Stress-driven focus movement -- 4. Particle climbing in a stress-based approach -- 5. Climbing: Syntactic XP-movement -- 6. Cross-linguistic comparison: The Basque particle ba -- 7. Conclusion -- Notes -- References -- Particles and phonologically defective predicates* -- 1. Phrasal and head particles in Dutch -- 2. Light and heavy verbal modifiers in Hungarian -- 3. Pred verbs with a designated argument in focus? -- 4. Pred verbs with a designated argument in PredP? -- 4.1. Identifying Pred verbs -- 4.2. Summary -- 5. Stress avoiding verbs and verbal modifiers -- 5.1. Verbal modifiers with Pred verbs -- 5.2. Pred verbs are auxiliary-like -- 6. Summary -- Notes -- References -- Climbing for aspect -- 1. Introduction -- 1.1. Connection between verb clusters and aspect in Hungarian -- 1.2. A theory of aspect in Hungarian based on ``climbing aspectualizers'' -- 2. Aspectual Projection -- 2.1. AspP and/or Referentiality Constraint? -- 2.2. What will make a good aspectualizer? -- 2.3. The aspectualizer of akar `want' and utál `hate' -- 3. The structure of verb clusters -- 3.1. ``Climbing'' preverb in neutral sentences. 3.2. ``Full roll-up'' in focused sentences -- 3.3. FInfP aspectualizers -- 4. Competing computations -- 5. Concluding remarks -- Notes -- References -- The Hungarian verbal complex -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Preliminaries -- 2.1. The linguistic data -- 2.2. The dual behavior of VMs -- I Evidence for a head analysis -- II Evidence for a phrase analysis -- 3. Basic assumptions -- 4. Inverted order verbal complexes -- 4.1. The Syntactic Light Verb Constraint -- 4.2. The Complex Head Constraint -- 5. Verbal complexes with VM climbing -- 5.1. The VM and the auxiliary: Long VM movement -- 5.2. The VM and the lexical verb: Short VM movement -- 6. Verb typology based on the aspectual feature -- 6.1. Auxiliaries are aspectually defective -- 6.2. Stative verbs -- 7. Further issues -- 7.1. The problems of the dual analysis revisited -- 7.2. Auxiliaries and light verbs -- 8. Conclusion -- Notes -- References -- Parallel strategies of verbal complex formation in Hungarian and West-Germanic? -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Preliminaries: The minimal verbal complex in Hungarian -- 3. The straight order extended verbal complex in Hungarian -- 4. The Dutch/West Flemish/Swiss German verbal complex -- 5. The inverse order variant of the extended verbal complex in Hungarian -- 6. The German verbal complex -- 7. Deriving the word order of West Germanic verbal complexes -- 8. Can the West-Germanic and the Hungarian verbal complexes be derived in parallel ways? -- Notes -- References -- Do preverbs climb?* -- 1. The problem -- 2. Some parallels between Hungarian and Dutch verb raising -- 2.1. Only in restructuring contexts -- 2.2. No PVC across another PV -- 2.3. PVC from an intermediate verb -- 2.4. Adjacency of the climbed PV and the highest Aux -- 2.5. No coordination below a climbed PV -- 2.6. A difference with Dutch: PVC across an intervening complementizer. 3. Interaction of VR and V-to-F movement -- 4. Scrambling into the verbal cluster, inversion, and reanalysis -- 5. On the internal order of the Hungarian verb cluster -- 6. Conclusion -- Notes -- References -- Verbal complexes and morphosyntactic merger* -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Inflectional affixation in Hungarian -- 2.1. Scope effects -- 2.2. On-line morphology: One word form, two syntactic structures -- 3. The failure of phrasal movement analyses -- 4. Extending M-merger to ``roll-up'' V-clusters in Hungarian -- 5. Adverbs and roll-up clusters -- 6. Conclusion -- Notes -- References -- Infinitival complements of modals in Hungarian and in German -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Data -- 2.1. Modals and inflected infinitives -- 2.2. Impersonal/personal passive constructions -- 2.3. Modals compared with raising and control predicates -- 2.4. Weather verbs under modals -- 3. Raising versus control: vP and CP complements -- 3.1. Problems with proexpl -- 3.2. A split between finite and infinitival clauses -- 4. Modals and restructuring -- 5. Inflected infinitives and modals -- 6. Summary -- Notes -- References -- Agreement and `clause union'* -- 1. The theoretical claims to be defended -- 2. Notes on Hungarian agreement -- 3. Four `clause union' constructions -- 4. Class IV: hagy permissive-causatives -- 4.1. Preverb placement -- 4.2. Definiteness agreement -- 4.3. Person agreement -- 4.4. `Passive infinitives' and the v/AgrO debate -- 4.5. Summary -- 5. On Hungarian object clitics -- 5.1. Person split and the representation of first and second person pronoun phrases -- 5.2. Definiteness, Case and first/second person objects -- 5.3. Order -- 6. Class III: -tat/-tet causatives -- 7. Class II: come/go constructions -- 8. Class I: Auxiliary constructions -- 9. `Clause union' -- 10. Long A'-movement, agreement and Case -- 10.1. Extraction from the embedded clause. 10.2. The accusative-marked subject is accusative from the start -- 10.3. That-trace avoidance, the Italian way -- 10.4. Clitic and feature movement from SpecCP -- 10.5. Attraction and economy -- 10.6. The Inverse Case Filter -- 10.7. Some consequences -- 11. Concluding remarks -- Notes -- References -- Names index -- Subject index -- List of contributors -- The series Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today. |
Record Nr. | UNINA-9910825010503321 |
Amsterdam ; ; Philadelphia, : J. Benjamins, 2004 | ||
Materiale a stampa | ||
Lo trovi qui: Univ. Federico II | ||
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