The motivated syntax of arbitrary signs : cognitive constraints on Spanish clitic clustering / / Erica C. Garcia

• Autore: Garcia Erica C
• Pubblicazione: Amsterdam ; ; Philadelphia, : John Benjamins Pub. Company, c2009
• Edizione: 1st ed.
• Descrizione fisica: 1 online resource (352 p.)
• Disciplina: 465
• Soggetto topico: Spanish language - Syntax; Spanish language - Grammar; Linguistic analysis (Linguistics)
• Note generali: Bibliographic Level Mode of Issuance: Monograph
• Nota di bibliografia: Includes bibliographical references and index.
• Nota di contenuto: The Motivated Syntax of Arbitrary Signs -- Editorial page -- Title page -- LCC data -- Dedication -- Table of contents -- Erica C. García: In memoriam -- Acknowledgements -- Introduction -- 1.1 Absolute non-occurrences and the arbitrariness of syntax -- 1.1.1 Pinker's account of "negative" exceptions11 -- 1.1.2 Syntactic and morphological non-occurrences -- 1.2 Arbitrariness and conventionality in Usage-based Grammar -- 1.2.1 Constructions and syntactic arbitrariness -- 1.2.2 Usage-based Grammar and relative frequency of use -- 1.3 Syntax as compositional routines -- 1.3.1 Inference: the key to syntactic computation -- 1.3.2 Syntax as iconic mapping -- 1.3.3 Accounting for syntactic variation and "negative exceptions" -- 1.3.4 Analytic implications -- 1.4 The non-arbitrary compositionality of Spanish clitic clusters -- Notes to Ch. 1 -- The morphological roots of Spanish clitic syntax -- The problem -- 2.1 The problematic clusters -- 2.1.1 Absolutely non-occurring cluster, with clitic alternative: *le lo4 -- 2.1.2 Absolutely non-occurring cluster, lacking clitic alternative: *se se. -- 2.1.3 Interpretation-dependent unacceptable clusters -- 2.1.3.1 *me le -- 2.1.3.2 *se le -- 2.1.3.3 *se me lo -- 2.2 The nature of the problem -- 2.3 Previous handling of the issue(s) -- 2.3.1 *le lo vs. OK spur. se lo -- 2.3.2 *se se -- 2.3.3 *me (Acc) le (Dat) + non-coreferential subject -- 2.3.4 *spur. se + le vs. OK refl. se + le -- 2.3.5 * spur. se + me (Dat) + lo (Acc) -- 2.4 The challenge -- Notes to Ch. 2 -- The communicative value of clitic reference -- 3.1 The verbal complex (= VC) -- 3.2 The participancy oppositions -- 3.2.1 Focus -- 3.2.2 Case -- 3.2.3 Case and the nature of the event -- 3.3 Case-categorization -- 3.3.1. Central vs. peripheral case -- 3.3.2 Variably peripheral involvements -- Notes to Ch. 3 -- Basic clitic syntax. ; 4.1 Double mention, role-levelling, and event-introversion -- 4.1.1 Introversion of transitive events -- 4.1.2 Introversion of intransitive events -- 4.1.3 Semantic versatility of double mention -- 4.2 Clitic vs. non-clitic reference -- 4.2.1 Lexical reference: Bare noun phrases -- 4.2.2 Prepositional Phrases, a-phrases -- 4.2.3 "Understood" participants -- 4.3 Cumulation of clitic and extra-verbal reference -- 4.3.1 (Im)possibility of duplicate reference -- 4.3.2 Pragmatic motivation of clitic duplication -- 4.3.3 Factors conditioning reference-duplication -- 4.3.3.1 Lexical vs. pronominal a-phrase -- 4.3.3.2 Variable obligatoriness of clitic reference with diverse Dat roles -- 4.3.4 Clitic duplication as an inferential manoeuvre -- Notes to Ch. 4 -- Variable clitic-cluster acceptability -- 5.1 Participancy and case-categorization -- 5.1.1 Participant vs. non-participant involvement -- 5.1.2 Central vs. peripheral participation -- 5.1.3 Interpretation of case-neutral clitics -- 5.2 The interpretation of clitic clusters -- 5.3 Centrifugal events: Dative + Accusative participants -- 5.3.1 1st vs. 3*rd ps participants -- 5.3.1.1 IInd vs. 3*rd ps Dative in me le cluster -- 5.3.1.2 Relative activeness of the Dat under single mention of the p.i.f. -- 5.3.1.3 Role of the 1st person -- 5.3.1.4 1st person as double mentioned p.i.f. -- 5.3.1.5 Relative activeness of the Dat under double mention of the p.i.f. -- 5.3.1.6 Person of the double-mentioned p.i.f., plus 3*rd ps Dat -- 5.3.1.7 Asymmetry between 1st/2nd and 3rd person p.i.f -- 5.3.1.8 Person of the Dat with a distinct human DO, under single mention -- 5.3.1.9 Clitic vs. a-phrase reference for distinct Dat vs. Acc -- 5.3.2 1st vs. 2nd ps participants -- 5.3.3 Distinct 3*rd ps participants -- 5.3.4 Same 3*rd person in both Dative and Accusative roles -- 5.4 Syntagmatic differentiation of Peripheral roles. ; 5.4.1 All Dat participants distinct from the p.i.f. -- 5.4.2 Multiple Dat role/referent allotment under double mention -- 5.5 Clitic clustering in centripetal events -- 5.5.1 Subject Complement (SC) plus Peripheral roles -- 5.5.2 Distinct DO plus Object Complement (OC) -- 5.5.3 Double mention of the p.i.f. and S/O Complementation -- 5.5.3.1 Subject Complement + double mention as Peripheral involvement of the p.i.f. -- 5.5.3.2 Event introversion + Subject Complement -- 5.5.3.3 Double mentioned p.i.f in a DO role + Object Complement -- 5.6 Summary and partial conclusions -- Notes to Ch. 5 -- Accounting for all the uses of Sp. se -- 6.1 The problem(s) -- 6.1.1 Unsatisfactory accounts -- 6.2 The number of se's in Modern Spanish -- 6.2.1 One vs. two -- 6.2.2 Two or three? -- 6.3 The unitary meaning of se -- 6.4 Three inferential routines -- 6.4.1 Case-based identification of se's positive referent: the se + lo cluster -- 6.4.1.1 "Spurious" se and the migrant pl. -s -- 6.4.1.2 The absolute non-occurrence of *le lo. -- 6.4.1.3 Cognitive economy and the lelo/selo contrast -- 6.4.2 Self-salience of 3rd ps p.i.f.'s -- 6.4.3 Focus defeasing by impersonal se -- 6.4.3.1 The pragmatic value of imp. se. -- 6.4.3.2 The morpho-syntactic need for se -- 6.4.3.3 The inferential mechanics of focus defeasing -- 6.5 Contrasting the analyses -- Notes to Ch. 6 -- Accounting for the non-uses of Sp. se -- 7.1 The variable acceptability of se me lo V3 -- 7.1.1 Negative reference of se: imp. se + me lo -- 7.1.2 Positive reference of Dat se: se lo + me -- 7.2 Non-uses of se -- 7.2.1 Impossible reference by se to a 3*rd person -- 7.3 Impossible *se se clusters -- 7.4 Context-dependence of se's diverse interpretations -- 7.4.1 se Vb3sg -- 7.4.2 se Vb3sg NP -- 7.4.3 se lo V3sg -- 7.4.3.1 se lo V3sg: imp. se vs. refl. se -- 7.4.3.2 se lo V3sg: imp. se vs. spur. se. ; 7.5 The interpretation of se in non-finite VC's -- 7.6 Independent support for the analysis of se -- 7.6.1 Clitic duplication and the positive/negative reference of se -- 7.6.2 Clitic order -- 7.6.3 Cliticization of se in auxiliary periphrases -- 7.7 Disjoint se.....se sequences in auxiliary periphrases -- 7.7.1 Focus defeasing se followed by positively referring se -- 7.7.2 Consecutive positive interpretations of se -- Notes to Ch. 7 -- Clitic distribution in complex Verb-Phrases -- The syntactic structure of AcI's -- 8.1 Cliticization in complex VP's -- 8.2 AcI's as complex VP's -- 8.3 Semanto-syntactic indeterminacy in AcI's -- 8.4 AcI-roles: shared participants -- 8.5 Clitic vs. lexical reference to AcI-roles -- 8.6 Conflicting pressures on clitic clustering at Vx -- Notes to Ch. 8 -- Clitic syntax in AcI's -- 9.1 Case-categorization in AcI's -- 9.1.1 Context-sensitiveness of M's case-variability -- 9.2 Concatenation vs. conflation of AcI's -- 9.2.1 Iconic concatenation -- 9.2.2 Pragmatic conflation -- 9.2.3 Non-equivalence of different AcI formulations -- 9.2.3.1 A barrier to climbing -- 9.2.3.2 Semanto-pragmatic distinctness of conflated and non-conflated variants -- Notes to Ch. 9 -- Clitic placement in AcI's -- 10.1 AcI-role ranking -- 10.2 Role/referent allotment in dynamic transitive AcI's: M + Oa clusters -- 10.1.1 Oa at Vx with a tacit Ÿ -- 10.2.2 Uniconic backgrounding of M -- 10.3 Conflation in static AcI's -- 10.4 me le revisited -- 10.5 Reference at Vx to the Od of dynamic Inf's -- 10.5.1 * M + Od (=IO) with a further DO (Oa) -- 10.5.2 * M + Od with verbs of communication -- 10.5.3 Od at Vx with a tacit Ÿ -- 10.6 Summary: clitic clustering in centrifugal AcI's -- 10.7 Clitic placement in AcI's with copulative events -- 10.7.1 Parecer 'to seem' as Inf -- Notes to Ch. 10 -- Complex role/referent allotment in AcI's. ; 11.1 Double-mention of M -- 11.1.1 Variable double mention of M -- 11.1.2 M's double mention and clitic fronting -- 11.2 S in a non-focus AcI role -- 11.2.1 S = O, tacit Ÿ -- 11.2.2 Heterogenous clusters with S in a non-focus AcI-role -- 11.2.2.1 Static AcI: =SDr + M -- 11.2.2.2 Static AcI: =SM + Dr -- 11.2.2.3 Dynamic AcI: =SM + O -- 11.2.2.4 Dynamic transitive AcI: =SO + M -- 11.2.3 S = O, double mentioned M -- 11.2.3.1 Static AcI's: S = Dr -- 11.2.3.2 Dynamic AcI's: S = O -- 11.2.3.3 Indeterminate double mention of M -- 11.3 AcI's and "clitic climbing" -- 11.4 AcI's and recursiveness -- Notes to Ch. 11 -- Clitic placement in AcI's and their look-alikes -- 12.1 The syntactic relation of Inf to Vx -- 12.2 Auxiliary periphrases -- 12.2.1 Vx + [Z] + Inf auxiliary periphrases -- 12.3 "Control" structures -- 12.3.1 Vx + [Z] + Inf Control structures -- 12.4 Between control structures and AcI's -- 12.4.1 observar 'to observe' -- 12.4.2 mandar 'to send, order' -- 12.4.3 mirar 'to look at, watch' -- 12.5 The place of AcI's in the syn-tactic landscape -- Notes to Ch. 12 -- Summary and conclusions -- 13.1 Summary -- 13.2 General discussion -- 13.3 The nature of syntax and the nature of language -- 13.4 Conclusion -- Notes to Ch. 13 -- Abbreviations -- Glossary -- References -- Corpus -- Name index -- Subject index -- The series Studies in Functional and Structural Linguistics (SFSL).
• Sommario/riassunto: Quod licet Jovi non licet bovi.
• Titolo autorizzato: The motivated syntax of arbitrary signs
• ISBN: 1-282-31229-4; 9786612312298; 90-272-8910-7
• Formato: Materiale a stampa
• Livello bibliografico: Monografia
• Lingua di pubblicazione: Inglese
• Record Nr.: 9910818104703321
• Lo trovi qui: Univ. Federico II