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[null,"1.","Record Nr.",null,"UNINA9910972564103321"]
[null,null,"Autore",null,"Givón Talmy <1936->"]
[null,null,"Titolo",null,"The genesis of syntactic complexity : diachrony, ontogeny, neuro-cognition, evolution / / T. Givon"]
[null,null,"Pubbl/distr/stampa",null,"Amsterdam ; ; Philadelphia, : John Benjamins Pub. Co., c2009"]
[null,null,"ISBN",null,"9786612105012"]
[{"$nulls":4},"9781282105010"]
[{"$nulls":4},"1282105019"]
[{"$nulls":4},"9789027290052"]
[{"$nulls":4},"9027290059"]
[null,null,"Edizione",null,"[1st ed.]"]
[null,null,"Descrizione fisica",null,"1 online resource (384 p.)"]
[null,null,"Classificazione",null,"ES 425"]
[null,null,"Disciplina",null,"415"]
[null,null,"Soggetti",null,"Grammar, Comparative and general - Syntax"]
[{"$nulls":4},"Linguistic change"]
[{"$nulls":4},"Language acquisition"]
[{"$nulls":4},"Language and languages - Origin"]
[{"$nulls":4},"Human evolution"]
[{"$nulls":4},"Neurolinguistics"]
[null,null,"Lingua di pubblicazione",null,"Inglese"]
[null,null,"Formato",null,"Materiale a stampa"]
[null,null,null,"Livello bibliografico","Monografia"]
[null,null,null,"Note generali","Bibliographic Level Mode of Issuance: Monograph"]
[null,null,null,"Nota di bibliografia","Includes bibliographical references (p. [339]-355) and index."]
[null,null,"Nota di contenuto",null,"The Genesis of Syntactic Complexity -- Title page -- LCC data -- Dedication -- Table of contents -- Copyright acknowledgment -- Preface -- Part 1. Background -- Chapter 1. Complexity -- 1.1. Complexity and syntax -- 1.2. Developmental domains -- 1.3. Developmental trends in the genesis of syntactic complexity -- 1.3.1 From words to simple clauses -- 1.3.2 From clauses to chains to embedded clauses -- 1.4. The neuro-cognitive basis of syntactic complexity -- 1.4.1 Cognition and syntactic complexity -- 1.4.2 The neuro-cognition of syntactic complexity -- 1.4.3. Brain localization -- 1.5. Bio-evolutionary context -- Chapter 2. The adaptive approach to grammar -- 2.1 General orientation -- 2.2 Representation and communication -- 2.3 Human language as a combinatorial system -- 2.4 Grammar -- 2.4.1 Preliminaries -- 2.4.2 Grammar as structure -- 2.4.3 Grammar as function -- 2.5 Grammar and other minds -- 2.5.1 Mental models of epistemic states -- 2.5.2 Mental models of deontic states -- 2.6 The adaptive ecology of human communication -- 2.7 "]
[{"$nulls":4},"Cultural evolution -- Part 2. Diachrony -- Chapter 3. The diachrony of grammar -- 3.1. Diachrony and evolution* -- 3.2. Diachronic change, typological diversity and language universals -- 3.3. Case study: The diachronic typology of passive clauses -- 3.3.1 Preliminaries -- 3.3.2 The typology of passive constructions -- 3.3.3 Early vs. late stages of grammaticalization -- 3.3.4 Grammatical relations in the passive clause -- 3.3.5 Structural re-analysis: Early vs. late-stage grammaticalization -- 3.3.5.1 Reversion to nominative subject in the Lunda passive -- 3.3.5.2 Reversion to nominative in the Guarijío and Tarahumara passive -- 3.3.5.3 Retreat from nominative in the Spanish reflexive-passive -- 3.4. Syntactic change and the genesis of grammatical morphology."]
[{"$nulls":4},"3.5. Methodological aspects of diachronic reconstruction -- 3.6. Conclusion -- 3.6.1 Diachronic determination of synchronic traits -- 3.6.2 Change, variation and adaptive selection -- Chapter 4. Multiple routes to clause union -- 4.1. Introduction -- 4.2. Preliminaries -- 4.2.1 Grammaticalization, co-lexicalization and clause union -- 4.2.2 Functional and structural dimensions of clause union -- 4.2.2.1 Event integration and clause union: The Complementation scale -- 4.2.2.2 Finiteness -- A. Extreme nominalizing (embedding) languages -- B. Extreme finite ('non-embedding') languages -- 4.3 Two diachronic routes to clause-union -- 4.3.1 Preamble -- 4.3.2 Clause-union in equi-subject (SS) configurations -- 4.3.2.1 Verb adjacency and co-lexicalization -- 4.3.2.2 Finiteness gradients and grammaticalization -- 4.3.3 Clause-union in switch-subject (DS) configurations -- 4.4. The transfer of finite morphology from chains to serial clauses -- 4.5. Other types of complex predicates -- 4.5.1 Clearly serial -- 4.5.2 Clearly embedded -- 4.5.2.1 Cognate object constructions -- 4.5.2.2 Ideophone constructions -- 4.5.2.3 Co-verb constructions -- 4.5.3 Complex multi-stem verbal word -- 4.5.3.1 Pre-verbal incorporation of post-positions in Rama -- 4.5.3.2 Pre-verbal incorporated preposition in Romance and Germanic -- 4.5.3.3 Incorporated objects, instruments, adverbs  and verbs in No. Uto Aztecan -- 4.5.3.4 Pre-verbal incorporated 'adverbial' stems in Athabaskan -- 4.6. Final reflections -- Chapter 5. The diachrony of relative clauses -- 5.1. Introduction -- 5.2. From clause-chaining to embedding -- 5.3. From parenthetical non-restrictive to embedded REL-clauses -- 5.4. Are nominalized REL-clauses a separate diachronic pathway? -- 5.5. Word-order typology and the diachronic source of REL-clauses -- 5.6. Cleft and WH-questions."]
[{"$nulls":4},"5.7. WH pronouns as REL-pronouns: A third pathway? -- 5.8. Conclusion -- Part 3. Ontogeny -- Chapter 6. Child language acquisition -- 6.1. Preliminaries -- 6.2. Communicative ecology -- 6.3. Early lexicon and the one-word stage -- 6.4. Pre-grammatical pidgin communication: The two-word stage -- 6.5. Complex-embedded clauses -- 6.6. Combination vs. expansion -- Chapter 7. The ontogeny of complex verb phrases -- 7.1. Overview -- 7.2. Data-base -- 7.3. Modal interaction units -- 7.3.1 Simple modal interactions -- 7.3.2 Complex modal interactions -- 7.3.3 Boundaries of modal interaction units -- 7.3.4 Identifying the child's speech-act intention -- 7.4. What counts as complex modal construction? -- 7.5. The communicative context: A quantitative analysis -- 7.5.1 Who takes the initiative for launching modal interaction? -- 7.5.2 Spatio-Temporal displacement -- 7.5.3 Speech-act value -- 7.5.4 Subject of modal expressions -- 7.6. Modality-marking grammatical devices -- 7.6.1 General considerations -- 7.6.2 Quantitative analysis -- 7.6.2.1 Stage-I -- 7.6.2.2 Stage II -- 7.6.2.3 Stage-III -- 7.7. Cross-turn distributed syntactic complexity: Paratactic precursors of complex verb phrases -- 7.7.1 Qualitative analysis: Types of cross-turn distributed complex "]
[{"$nulls":4},"modal expressions -- 7 Child responses to grammatically-marked adult modal expression (Nina-II) -- 7 Adult response to child's previous modal turn (Nina-II) -- 7.7.2 Quantitative analysis: Distribution of the various response types across diads and stages -- 7.7.2.1 Child responses to marked modal expressions in the preceding adult turns -- 7.7.2.2 Adult response to unmarked modal expressions in the child's preceding turn -- 7.8. Child-adult comparisons -- 7.9. Conclusion -- 7.9.1 Child development and the communicative context -- 7.9.2 Semantics vs. syntax."]
[{"$nulls":4},"7.9.3 Combination and condensation: From parataxis to syntaxis -- 7.9.4 Early childhood modal structure and the acquisition of Theories of Mind -- Appendix 1 Example and numerical distribution of direct speech-act vs. descriptive uses of complex modal expressions by the children and adults at stage-I -- 1 A: EVE-I: Distribution of child use of complex modal expressions -- 1 B: Eve-I: Distribution of adult use of complex modal expressions -- 1 C: NAOMI-I: Distribution of child use of complex modal expressions -- 1 D: NAOMI-I: Distribution of adult use of complex modal expressions -- 1 E: NINA-I: Distribution of child use of complex modal expressions -- 1 F: NINA-I: Distribution of adult use of complex modal expressions -- Appendix 2:  Distribution of direct speech-act vs. descriptive use of complex modal expressions -- 2 A: Distribution of child uses of modal patterns in Eve-II -- 2 B: Distribution of adult uses of modal patterns in Eve-II -- 2 C: Distribution of child uses of modal patterns, Naomi-II -- 2 D: Distribution of adult uses of modal patterns , Naomi-II -- 2 E: Distribution of child uses of modal patterns, Nina-II -- 2 F: Distribution of adult uses of modal patterns in Nina-II -- Appendix 3:  Distribution of direct speech-act vs. descriptive use of complex modal expressions -- 3 A: Distribution of child uses of modal patterns, Eve-III -- 3 B: Distribution of adult uses of modal patterns, Eve-III -- 3 C: Distribution of child uses of modal patterns, Naomi-III -- 3D: Distribution of adult uses of modal patterns, Naomi-III -- 3 E: Distribution of child uses of modal patterns, Nina-III -- 3F: Distribution of adult uses of modal patterns, Nina-III -- Chapter 8. The ontogeny of relative clauses -- 8.1. Introduction -- 8.1.1 The adaptive ecology of REL-clauses -- 8.1.2 The grammar referent tracking -- 8.2. Texts and subjects."]
[{"$nulls":4},"8.3. REL-clause types in the CHILDES texts -- 8.3.1 What counts as a REL-clause? -- 8.4. The communicative use of restrictive post-nominal modifiers: Qualitative analysis -- 8.4.1 Early stage (III -- ca. 2 -- 6-2 -- 8) -- 8.4.2 Intermediate stage (IV -- ca. age 3 -- 6) -- 8.4.3 Late stage (V -- ca. age 4 -- 6) -- 8.5. The communicative ecology of REL-clause acquisition: Quantitative analysis -- 8.5.1 Displaced referents -- 8.5.2 Displaced temporality -- 8.5.3 Length of coherent clause-chains inside single turns -- 8.5.4 Speech-act distribution -- 8.6. Paratactic precursors of children's REL clauses -- 8.7. Conclusion -- 8.7.1 The adaptive ecology of child communication -- 8.7.2 Adaptive-communicative context and syntactic development -- 8.7.3 Expansion' vs. 'condensation':  From parataxis to syntaxis -- 8.7.4 Whither 'recursivity'? -- Chapter 9.  Second-language pidgin -- 9.1. Introduction -- 9.2. Pre-grammar: Syntactic regularities in pidgin communication -- 9.3. Some neurological correlates of pidgin communication -- 9.4. Conclusion -- Part 4. Biology, neuro-cognition and evolution -- Chapter 10. From single words to verbal clauses -- 10.1. Introduction* -- 10.2. Zero anaphora and verbless clauses -- 10.3. Verbless clauses in spoken Ute narrative -- 10.3.1 Flexible word-order in Ute -- 10.3.2 Verbless constituents under separate intonation contours -- 10.3.3 Text distribution of verbal vs. verbless clauses in Ute -- 10.4. Verbless ('scattered') constituents in spoken English -- "]
[{"$nulls":4},"10.5. Are verbless clauses well-governed? -- 10.5.1 Government of verbless clauses in English conversation -- 10.5.2 Government of verbless clauses in spoken Ute narratives -- 10.6. Verbless clauses in early child language -- 10.7. Verbless clauses in second language pidgin -- 10.8. Verbless clauses in Broca's aphasia speech -- 10.9. Summary -- 10.10. Discussion."]
[{"$nulls":4},"10.10.1 Indexing verbless constituents to adjacent verbal clauses."]
[null,null,null,"Sommario/riassunto","Complex hierarchic syntax is a hallmark of human language. The highest level of syntactic complexity, recursive-embedded clauses, has been singled out by some for a special status as the evolutionary apex of the uniquely - human language faculty - evolutionary yet mysteriously immune to Darwinian adaptive selection. Prof. Givón's book treats syntactic complexity as an integral part of the evolutionary rise of human communication. The book first describes grammar as an adaptive instrument of communication, assembled upon the pre-existing platform of pre-linguistic object- and-event cognition and mental representation. It then surveys the two grand developmental trends of human language: diachrony, the communal enterprise directly responsible for fashioning synchronic morpho-syntax and cross-language diversity; and ontogeny, the individual endeavor directly responsible for acquiring the competent use of grammar. The genesis of syntactic complexity along these two developmental trends is compared with second language acquisition, pre-grammatical pidgin and pre-human communication. The evolutionary relevance of language diachrony, language ontogeny and pidginization is argued for on general bio-evolutionary grounds: It is the organism's adaptive on-line behavior- invention, learning and skill acquisition - that is the common thread running through all three developmental trends. The neuro-cognitive circuits that underlie language, and their evolutionary underpinnings, are described and assessed. Recursive embedding turns out to be not an adaptive target on its own, but the by-product of two distinct adaptive moves: (i) the recruitment of conjoined clauses as modal operators on, or referential specifiers of, other clauses; and (ii) the subsequent condensation of paratactic into syntactic structures."]