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[null,"1.","Record Nr.",null,"UNINA9910970446203321"]
[null,null,"Autore",null,"Kunz Barbara"]
[null,null,"Titolo",null,"Kind Words, Cruise Missiles, and Everything in Between : The Use of Power Resources in U.S. Policies towards Poland, Ukraine, and Belarus 1989–2008 / / Barbara Kunz, Andreas Umland, William Hill"]
[null,null,"Pubbl/distr/stampa",null,"Hannover, : ibidem, 2017"]
[null,null,"ISBN",null,"9783838270654"]
[{"$nulls":4},"3838270657"]
[null,null,"Edizione",null,"[1st ed.]"]
[null,null,"Descrizione fisica",null,"1 online resource (291 pages) : illustrations"]
[null,null,"Collana",null,"Soviet and Post-Soviet Politics and Society ; 174"]
[null,null,"Disciplina",null,"327.730438"]
[null,null,"Soggetti",null,"USA"]
[{"$nulls":4},"Poland"]
[{"$nulls":4},"Belorussia"]
[null,null,"Lingua di pubblicazione",null,"Inglese"]
[null,null,"Formato",null,"Materiale a stampa"]
[null,null,null,"Livello bibliografico","Monografia"]
[null,null,null,"Nota di bibliografia","Includes bibliographical references."]
[null,null,"Nota di contenuto",null,"Intro -- Preface -- Contents -- Abbreviations -- I Introduction -- I.1 The background -- I.1.1 Preserving the unipolar moment -- I.1.2 On the ground: the U.S. in Central and Eastern Europe -- I.2 Empirical objectives -- II The theoretical framework and methodology -- II.1 Introduction and research questions -- II.1.1 Neoclassical realism: an introduction -- II.1.2 Elite perceptions: of more than just the system? -- II.2 Non-friends, friends and undecided states -- II.2.1 Non-friends -- II.2.2 Friends -- II.2.3 Concluding remarks: undecided states -- II.3 Two types of power resources and foreign policy tools -- II.3.1 Power in political realism -- II.3.2 Positive and negative power: the relevance of base values -- II.3.3 Negative power and its bases -- II.3.4 Positive power and its bases -- II.3.5 Power resources and foreign policy tools -- II.4 Linking states' friend / non-friend / undecided status to power -- II.5 Concluding remarks on the theoretical framework -- II.6 Methodological considerations -- II.6.1 The cases -- II.6.2 Sources -- II.6.3 Research design: Comparative case studies -- II.6.4 Three steps in addressing the sources -- III U.S. Foreign Policies Towards Poland -- III.1 Introduction -- III.2 Laying the foundations: the U.S. and Solidarność -- III.2.1 Accompanying Poland to de facto independence 1989-1991 -- III.2.2 Foreign Policy Tools in Solidarność-times -- III.3 An emerging new best friend in Europe: the second Gulf War and NATO enlargement -- III.3.1 Euro-Atlantic integration or: Overcoming Yalta "]
[{"$nulls":4},"-- III.3.2 Foreign policy tools 1991 to 2000 -- III.4 The heydays and their aftermath: 2001 onwards -- III.4.1 State Tourism: Bush, Kwaśniewski and the Iraq war -- III.4.2 Foreign policy tools 2001 to 2005 -- III.5 After Kwaśniewski: 2005 onwards -- III.5.1 The double Kaczyński era."]
[{"$nulls":4},"III.5.2 Donald Tusk, the conclusion of the Missile Defence Agreement-and still no visa waiver programme -- III.5.3 Foreign policy tools after Kwaśniewski -- III.6 Conclusions on U.S. foreign policies towards Poland 1989-2008 -- IV U.S. Foreign Policies Towards Ukraine -- IV.1 Introduction: America's recognition of Ukraine's independence -- IV.2 The early years: Moscow-centrism and a focus on nuclear non-proliferation 1991 to 1994 -- IV.2.1 Solving the nuclear question -- IV.2.2 The Lisbon Protocol and Ukraine's accession to the NPT as a nuclear-free state -- IV.2.3 Foreign Policy Tools in solving the nuclear question -- IV.3 Conventional non-proliferation: Ukraine's accession to the MTCR, Bushehr and the Satellite Deal 1994 to 1998 -- IV.3.1 Getting Ukraine to join the MTCR -- IV.3.2 The Policy of issue linkage: non-proliferation, nuclear power plants and satellites -- IV.3.3 Foreign Policy Tools in making Ukraine join the MTCR -- IV.4 Euro-Atlantic integration: Ukraine in its wider context 1994 to 2004 -- IV.4.1 The U.S.-Ukrainian honeymoon: broadening relations -- IV.4.2 Setbacks and frustration -- IV.4.3 Multilateralising Ukraine's transformation: Ukraine and NATO -- IV.4.4 Foreign Policy Tools in promoting Ukraine's Euro-Atlantic integration -- IV.5 After the Orange Revolution: diminished U.S. interest 2004 to 2008 -- IV.5.1 Few illusions left: the Orange Revolution and its aftermath -- IV.5.2 Foreign policy tools 2004 to 2008 -- IV.6 Conclusions on U.S. foreign policies towards Ukraine -- V U.S. Foreign Policies Towards Belarus -- V.1 Introduction: At odds with the West -- V.2 Belarus and the US: the early years -- V.2.1 Belarus: The unproblematic answer to the nuclear question -- V.2.2 Foreign policy tools in early U.S.-Belarusian relations -- V.3 Lukashenka and \"Selective Engagement \"with Minsk."]
[{"$nulls":4},"V.3.1 Rigged elections and referenda: Deteriorating relations -- V.3.2 The Belarus Democracy Act -- V.3.3 Political Prisoners, Sanctions and Personae Non Gratae -- V.3.4 \"Selective engagement\" and foreign policy tools -- V.4 The wider context: Belarus in international politics -- V.4.1 The Bush II era: Belarus as a rogue state? -- V.4.2 Belarus and Euro-Atlantic Integration -- V.4.3 The wider context and foreign policy tools -- V.5 Conclusions on U.S. foreign policies towards Belarus 1991-2008 -- VI Conclusions -- VI.1 Returning to the research questions -- VI.2 Empirical findings: U.S. post-Cold War policies towards Poland, Ukraine and Belarus -- VI.3 Implications for theory building: linking status to power -- VI.3.1 Friends, non-friends and undecided states: an element of the missing link -- VI.3.2 A category of its own: undecided states -- VI.3.3 Positive and negative power as means to shape and control the environment -- VI.4 Final remarks -- Annex -- High-level contacts between the U.S. and Poland, Ukraine and Belarus -- References -- Primary Sources -- Speeches, Press Releases and Briefings* -- Background Notes -- Treaties, Laws, Reports and Official Strategies -- Websites -- Books and Articles -- Media Sources."]
[null,null,null,"Sommario/riassunto","According to general Realist premises, after the end of the Cold War, the United States took an interest in remaining the only super power. Accordingly, it was attempting to maintain and manage unipolarity. The pursuit of this Grand Strategy, however, required the U.S. to adapt its various strategies to the various receiving states.  Poland, Ukraine, and Belarus played very unalike roles in that configuration: Whilst Poland was labeled “America’s best friend” by President George W. Bush, Belarus was not seeking alignment with the U.S., whereas Ukraine-U.S. "]
[{"$nulls":4},"relations were subject to many ups and downs. The three countries’ diverging attitudes towards Washington led to very different policy approaches from a U.S. vantage point. As this study shows, the U.S. did not have an overall strategy for the region. Rather, Washington managed its relations with European states through a set of mainly bilateral relations.  Madeleine Albright once described the tools of foreign policy as including “everything from kind words to cruise missiles”. This book is a comparative case study of the United States’ use of these tools in its approaches towards Poland, Ukraine, and Belarus after the end of the Cold War. As the “only remaining superpower”, Washington played a key role in the formation of post-communist Central and Eastern Europe. Yet, its actions and policies have received comparatively little attention. This book contributes to filling that gap by providing three in-depth case studies."]