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[null,"1.","Record Nr.",null,"UNINA9910961528803321"]
[null,null,"Titolo",null,"Phrasal and clausal architecture : syntactic derivation and interpretation in honor of Joseph E. Emonds / / edited by Simin Karimi, Vida Samiian, Wendy Wilkins"]
[null,null,"Pubbl/distr/stampa",null,"Amsterdam ; ; Philadelphia, : John Benjamins Pub., 2006"]
[null,null,"ISBN",null,"9786612155048"]
[{"$nulls":4},"9781282155046"]
[{"$nulls":4},"1282155040"]
[{"$nulls":4},"9789027292926"]
[{"$nulls":4},"9027292922"]
[null,null,"Edizione",null,"[1st ed.]"]
[null,null,"Descrizione fisica",null,"vi, 423 p"]
[null,null,"Collana",null,"Linguistik aktuell = Linguistics today, , 0166-0829 ; ; v. 101"]
[null,null,"Disciplina",null,"415"]
[null,null,"Soggetti",null,"Grammar, Comparative and general - Syntax"]
[{"$nulls":4},"Linguistics"]
[null,null,"Lingua di pubblicazione",null,"Inglese"]
[null,null,"Formato",null,"Materiale a stampa"]
[null,null,null,"Livello bibliografico","Monografia"]
[null,null,null,"Note generali","Bibliographic Level Mode of Issuance: Monograph"]
[null,null,null,"Nota di bibliografia","Includes bibliographical references and index."]
[null,null,"Nota di contenuto",null,"Phrasal and Clausal Architecture -- Editorial page -- Title page -- LCC data -- Table of contents -- Phrasal and clausal architecture -- Introduction -- Restructuring and clausal architecture  in Kannada* -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Evidence for VP-level restructuring in Kannada -- 2.1. Long passive -- 2.2. Reflexive binding -- 2.3. Weak cross-over effects (WCO) -- 2.4. Negative polarity licensing -- 2.5. Summary -- 3. VP-level restructuring and functional inertness -- 3.1. Nominative subjects in non-finite clauses -- 3.2. Negation and Comp as defective verbal heads -- 3.3. Multiple Nominative constructions -- 3.4. Accusative-to-Nominative conversion -- 3.5. Lack of subject-object asymmetry -- 4. Clausal structure in Kannada -- 5. Conclusion -- References -- The position of adverbials* -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The distinction between subcategorized and non-subcategorized elements -- 3. British English do -- 4. An alternative structure -- 5. Evidence for the constituency of verb plus complements -- 6. Covert vs. overt movement -- 7. Conclusion -- References -- Bare, generic, mass, and referential  Arabic DPs* -- 1. Overt D contrasts and genericity -- 1.1. Definite, generic, and mass -- 1.2. Predicates and anaphors -- 2. Arabic BNs are indefinites -- 2.1. Arabic BNs as indefinites? -- 2.2. GenP and N-to-Gen -- 2.3. Arabic/Romance distinctions and the Num "]
[{"$nulls":4},"Parameter -- 3. Further discussion -- 3.1. Gen contexts -- 3.2. Modification and D-binding -- 3.3. Modalized contexts -- 3.4. Definite and indefinite generics -- 4. BNs and PNs -- 5. Mass specification -- 6. Conclusion -- References -- The possessor raising construction and the interpretation of the subject* -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Transitivizers and causative predicates -- 2.1. Hasegawa (2001, 2004) -- 2.2. -(S)ase and the transitive small v -- 2.3. Have and Get in English."]
[{"$nulls":4},"3. Possessor raising and the experiencer reading -- 3.1. Causatives and the experiencer reading -- 3.2. The possessor raising construction -- 3.3.  On the notion of experiencer -- 4. A further consequence: Minimalism and Have and -(S)ase -- References -- Syntactic labels and their derivations -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Selectional dominance throughout a derivation -- 3. On some puzzles associated with Head Movement -- 4. Deverbal nominals -- 5. Projecting selected phrases -- 6. Conclusion -- References -- Separating ``Focus movement'' from Focus -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Notions of Focus and Focus-related movements -- 2.1. Approaches to Focus -- 2.2. Sorting out Focus-related movements -- 3. Is Focus-movement due to the formal feature [Focus]? -- 3.1. Evidence from ``pied-piping'': Agree and the position of the matching feature of the Goal -- 3.2. Further evidence: ``Focus-movement'' is not due to Focus -- 3.3. Against the assumption of two types of Focus: ``identificational'' vs. ``information'' Focus -- 4. A quantificational E(xhaustive) I(dentification) operator: ``Focus-movement'' is EI-Op movement -- 4.1. Truth-conditional effects of Hungarian Focus-movement and the nature of ``exhaustive identification'' -- 4.2. The EI-Op movement proposal -- 4.3. Visibility of the Goal in operator movements -- 5. Benefits of the EI-Op movement proposal -- 5.1. A prediction: ``Focus-movement'' without Focus -- 5.2. Taking stock: Further benefits of the EI-based movement account -- 5.3. Focus-movement and EI-Op in a cross-linguistic perspective -- 6. Conclusion -- References -- In search of phases* -- 1. Principle A -- 2. The specialness of subjects -- 3. A reason for using phases -- 4. Conclusion -- References -- Wh-movement, interpretation, and optionality in Persian* -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Overview of Persian syntax -- 3. Data -- 4. Previous accounts."]
[{"$nulls":4},"5. Analysis -- Wh-arguments -- Wh-adjuncts -- 6. Supporting evidence -- A. Evidence for Spec of FocP as the landing site for wh-arguments -- B. Evidence for the existence of a wh-operator in the Spec of CP -- C. Evidence for the movement of the wh-feature to C -- 7. Conclusion -- References -- Structure preservingness, internal Merge,  and the strict locality of triads -- 1. Introductory remarks -- 2. The problematic nature of internal Merge -- 3. The strict locality of triads -- 4. Concluding remarks -- References -- Using description to teach  (about) prescription* -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Using description to teach (about) prescription -- 3. Weaknesses of teaching traditional grammar -- 4. Grammar in the writing classroom -- Survey of Writing Errors (Hairston 1981) -- Status marking errors -- Very serious errors -- Moderately serious errors -- 5. Prescriptions based on register -- 6. Conclusion -- References -- Web sites -- Grammar and usage guides -- `More complicated and hence, rarer' -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The CRH and early transformational grammar -- 3. The CRH and the Government-Binding Theory -- 4. The CRH and the Minimalist Program -- 5. Typological generalizations are not reliably D-structure generalizations -- 6. Why the CRH is incorrect -- 7. Conclusion -- References -- Prescriptive grammar -- 1. Some issues in early American grammars -- 2. Ongoing problems for prescriptivists -- 3. Ways of approaching problematic pronouns -- 4. Why between you and I is here to stay -- References -- The syntax of valuation and the "]
[{"$nulls":4},"interpretability of features* -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Agree and feature sharing -- 3. The independence of valuation and interpretability -- 4. ``Defectivity'' -- 5. Feature deletion and the subject omission asymmetry -- 6. Conclusion -- References."]
[{"$nulls":4},"Linear sequencing strategies or UG-defined hierarchical structures in L2 acquisition? -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Negation in the L1 and L2 acquisition of French and German -- 2.1. Verb placement in L1 acquisition of French and German -- 2.2. Verb placement in L2 acquisition of French and German -- 3. More L2 negation data -- 3.1. Milon (1974) -- 3.2. Hyltenstam (1977) -- 4. Interim assessment -- 5. Evidence for hierarchical structure in Interlanguage -- 6. Concluding remarks -- References -- Minimalism vs. Organic Syntax -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The trouble with Minimalism -- 3. An alternative: Organic Syntax -- Assumption 1: Each language has a Master Tree that includes all possible projections occurring in the language. -- Assumption 2: All and only those projections occur in the Master Tree for which there is evidence in the language. -- Assumption 3: Universal Grammar provides the tools for acquiring the Master Tree, based on input. -- Assumption 4: The Master Tree is acquired from the bottom up. -- Assumption 5: The Acquisition-Syntax Correspondence (Vainikka 2003): syntax mirrors acquisition. -- Assumption 6: Actual instantiations of the tree are projected from the bottom up, based on the Master Tree. -- Assumption 7: Partial trees may be projected for constructions which do not involve the full Master Tree structure. -- Assumption 8: Lexical and functional projections differ in terms of how they are represented in the grammar. -- Assumption 9: Cross-categorial generalizations about structure are possible. -- Assumption 10: Only as much adjunction is posited as necessary. -- 4. Structure Building in first language acquisition -- 5. Structure Building and Organic Grammar in L2 acquisition -- 6. Two analyses of root infinitives -- 6.1. Prévost and White's child second language acquisition data -- 6.2. Prévost and White's adult L2 data."]
[{"$nulls":4},"7. Conclusion -- References -- Location and locality -- 1. Locations and paths -- 1.1. Introductory remarks -- 1.2. The morphological extreme: Lezgian -- 1.3. The syntactic extreme: German -- 1.4. The functional architecture of extended nominal projections -- 2. Locality -- 2.1. What is allowed -- 2.2. What is not allowed -- 3. Conclusions -- References -- Conceptual space*† -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Conceptual structure -- 2.1. Spatial concepts in CS -- 2.2. CS and spatial structure -- 3. The biology of spatial structure (BioS -&gt -- SpS) -- 3.1. Posterior parietal cortex contributions to spatial representation -- 3.2. Frontal contributions to spatial representation -- 3.3. Multiple representations and coordinate systems -- 3.4. Objects in motion, at a distance -- 3.5. The egocentric-allocentric distinction -- 4. The biology of conceptual structure (BioS -&gt -- SpS -&gt -- CS) -- 4.1. Conceptual evolution -- 4.2. Emergent constructs -- 4.3. Constructing CS -- 5. Conclusion -- References -- `Adjunct theta-roles' and the configurational determination of roles* -- 1. Are theta relations based on syntactic structure or semantic structure? -- 2. Thematic relations in conceptual structure -- 2.1. The conceptual component -- 2.2. Syntactic definitions in the Jackendoff model -- 3. Non-selected Roles -- 3.1. Adjunct-like behavior of Non-selected arguments -- 3.2. Reconstruction and Anti-reconstruction -- 4. Non-selected arguments as Event-related -- 4.1. Non-selected roles versus ordinary arguments -- 4.2. Event features and non-selected roles -- 4.3. Syntactic origin of Instruments and Beneficiaries -- 5. Conclusions -- References -- Author index -- Subject index -- The series Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today."]
[null,null,null,"Sommario/riassunto","In this paper, I discuss \"quasi-argument\" thematic roles (Instrument, Benefactive and certain Locations), and argue on the basis of their reconstruction properties and their dependence on event-related features that we should analyze them as generated in the event-related functional projections for VP, rather than in VP itself. This supports an approach to thematic roles as defined relative to syntactic relations, since I argue that the roles in question are not definable in relation to lexically specified verbal predicates."]