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[null,"1.","Record Nr.",null,"UNINA9910955384503321"]
[null,null,"Titolo",null,"Papers from the 2007 New York Conference / / edited by Marcel den Dikken, Robert M. Vago"]
[null,null,"Pubbl/distr/stampa",null,"Amsterdam ; ; Philadelphia, : John Benjamins, c2009"]
[null,null,"ISBN",null,"9786612444937"]
[{"$nulls":4},"9781282444935"]
[{"$nulls":4},"128244493X"]
[{"$nulls":4},"9789027288875"]
[{"$nulls":4},"9027288879"]
[null,null,"Edizione",null,"[1st ed.]"]
[null,null,"Descrizione fisica",null,"ix, 280 pages : illustrations"]
[null,null,"Collana",null,"Approaches to Hungarian ; ; 11"]
[null,null,"Disciplina",null,"494/.5115"]
[null,null,"Soggetti",null,"Hungarian language - Grammar"]
[{"$nulls":4},"Hungarian language - Syntax"]
[null,null,"Lingua di pubblicazione",null,"Inglese"]
[null,null,"Formato",null,"Materiale a stampa"]
[null,null,null,"Livello bibliografico","Monografia"]
[null,null,null,"Note generali","Bibliographic Level Mode of Issuance: Monograph"]
[null,null,null,"Nota di bibliografia","Includes bibliographical references and index."]
[null,null,"Nota di contenuto",null,"Approaches to Hungarian -- Editorial page -- Title page -- LCC data -- Table of contents -- Foreword -- Hungarian v -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Acoustic cues of the contrast between f and v -- 3. The voicing of Hungarian v in S__#: An acoustic experiment -- 3.1 Method -- 3.2 Results -- 3.3 Summary -- 4. The voicing of Hungarian v in S__#: A perception experiment -- 4.1. Method -- 4.2. Results -- 4.3 Summary and conclusions -- References -- Eliminating factivity from syntax* -- 1. Introduction -- 1.1 Background: Structural differences between factive and non-factive embedding -- 1.2 Cross-linguistic arguments for positing more complexity for non-factives -- 1.3 Our proposal: cP and CP -- 2. Hungarian -- 2.1 Evidence for cP in Hungarian sentential embedding constructions -- 2.2 The referential character of CP -- 2.3 Non-factive verbs with a CP complement -- 2.4 Wh-extraction and the wh-expletive construction -- 3. Summary and conclusion -- References -- Negative quantifiers in Hungarian* -- 1. Goal -- 2. The problems -- 3. Hungarian sentence structure -- 4. Theories of quantifier-raising -- 5. Negative quantifiers -- 5.1 Universal versus existential se-pronouns -- 5.2 The licensing of universal se-pronouns -- 5.3 The licensing of existential se-pronouns -- 6. The role of sem -- 7. Summary -- References -- Polarity particles in Hungarian* -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Context structure components -- 3. Assertions and "]
[{"$nulls":4},"polar questions -- 3.1 Assertion -- 3.2 Assertion confirmation and assertion reversal -- 3.3 Polar questions -- 3.4 Polar question confirmation and reversal -- 3.5 Assertions vs. polar questions -- 4. Echo assertions and their features -- 5. Hungarian polarity particles -- 5.1 The data -- 5.2 Account -- 6. Conclusion -- References -- Experimental evidence for recursion in prosody -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Recursion in prosody?."]
[{"$nulls":4},"3. Principles of the expression of recursion in prosody -- 4. Inherent grouping -- 5. Tonal patterns of grouping: Embedding and tonal continuity -- 6. Perception experiment 1: The violation of the principles determining the underlying properties of tone in the expression of prosodic grouping and its perception -- 7. Perception experiment 2: The role of the tonal manipulation of the accented syllable in the expression of prosodic grouping - goodness judgements -- 8. Perception experiment 3: The role of the tonal manipulation of the accented syllable in the expression of prosodic grouping - same vs. different -- 8. Summary -- References -- Trochaic proper government, loose CV, and vowel ~ zero alternation in Hungarian -- 1. Introduction* -- 2. Hungarian as strict CV -- 3. The behavior of long vowels in a strict CV analysis -- 4. Loose CV -- 5. Vowel ~ zero alternation -- 6. Vowel ~ zero alternation as syncope -- 7. Position of the alternation -- 8. Summary -- References -- Ablative causes in Hungarian -- 1. Introduction* -- 2. Cause PPs: The state of the art -- 2.1 The decausativization approach -- 2.2 The literature on the status of cause PPs -- 2.3 The non-agentivity restriction and the distribution of cause PPs: where we are now -- 3. The diversity of ablative causes -- 3.1 High ablative causes -- 3.2 Three types of ablative causes in Hungarian -- 4. The grammar of ablative causes -- 4.1 An overview -- 4.2 The lower part of the Hungarian clause: É. Kiss (2008) -- 4.3 The mapping proposal of Reinhart (2000, 2002) -- 4.4 Question 1: The grammatical status of low ablative causes -- 4.5 Question 2: A possible explanation for the non-agentivity restriction -- 5. Summary -- References -- Morphology or phonology? -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Distribution -- 3. Analysis -- 4. An alternative approach -- 5. Conclusion -- References."]
[{"$nulls":4},"Adpositional preverbs, chain reduction and phases* -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Adpositional preverb constructions in Hungarian -- 2.1 Preverbs in Hungarian -- 2.2 Two classes of adpositional preverbs -- 3. A direct dependency account -- 3.1 Adpositional preverbs and chain reduction -- 3.2 Chain reduction by phase -- 3.3 Options for focus: Chain reduction and phase extension -- 4. É. Kiss's (1998, 2002) indirect dependency analysis: A comparison -- 4.1 Indirect dependency by extraposition -- 4.2 Indirect dependency by apposition -- 5. Conclusion -- References -- Overt nominative subjects in infinitival complements in Hungarian* -- 1. Outline of the argument -- 2. What do these sentences mean? -- 3. \"Our nominative DP\" is located inside the infinitival clause -- 4. \"Our nominative DP\" is the subject of the infinitival clause -- 4.1 An argument from Binding Theory -- 4.2 A potential confound in cross-linguistic counterparts -- 4.3 Complemented pronouns -- 5. Long-distance agreement with a finite verb and multiple agreement -- 5.1 Subject agreement with a finite verb -- 5.2 Inflected infinitives -- 5.3 One finite verb, multiple overt subjects -- 6. De se pronouns and control -- 7. Conclusion -- References -- Name index -- Subject index."]
[null,null,null,"Sommario/riassunto","We argue that the infinitival complements of subject-control and subject-to-subject raising verbs in Hungarian can have overt nominative subjects. The infinitival subject status of these DPs is diagnosed by constituent order, binding properties, and scope interpretation. Long-distance Agree(ment) and multiple agreement are "]
[{"$nulls":4},"crucial to their overtness."]