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[null,"1.","Record Nr.",null,"UNICAMPANIASUN0101630"]
[null,null,"Autore",null,"Spangher, Giorgio"]
[null,null,"Titolo",null,"1: I procedimenti speciali, le impugnazioni, il processo penale minorile, accertamento della responsabilità degli enti / Giorgio Spangher"]
[null,null,"Pubbl/distr/stampa",null,"XI, 531 p. ; 22 cm"]
[null,null,"ISBN",null,"978-88-13-32284-7"]
[null,null,"Edizione",null,"[[Assago] : CEDAM]"]
[null,null,"Descrizione fisica",null,"In copertina: Disponibile anche in e-book."]
[null,null,"Lingua di pubblicazione",null,"Italiano"]
[null,null,"Formato",null,"Materiale a stampa"]
[null,null,null,"Livello bibliografico","Monografia"]
[null,"2.","Record Nr.",null,"UNINA9910967274503321"]
[null,null,"Titolo",null,"Structure and variation in language contact / / edited by Ana Deumert, Stephanie Durrleman"]
[null,null,"Pubbl/distr/stampa",null,"Philadelphia, : J. Benjamins, c2006"]
[null,null,"ISBN",null,"9786612155208"]
[{"$nulls":4},"9781282155206"]
[{"$nulls":4},"1282155202"]
[{"$nulls":4},"9789027293084"]
[{"$nulls":4},"9027293082"]
[null,null,"Edizione",null,"[1st ed.]"]
[null,null,"Descrizione fisica",null,"viii, 376 p"]
[null,null,"Collana",null,"Creole language library, , 0920-9026 ; ; v. 29"]
[null,null,"Disciplina",null,"417/.7"]
[null,null,"Soggetti",null,"Languages in contact"]
[{"$nulls":4},"Language and languages - Variation"]
[null,null,"Lingua di pubblicazione",null,"Inglese"]
[null,null,"Formato",null,"Materiale a stampa"]
[null,null,null,"Livello bibliografico","Monografia"]
[null,null,null,"Note generali","Bibliographic Level Mode of Issuance: Monograph"]
[null,null,null,"Nota di bibliografia","Includes bibliographical references and index."]
[null,null,"Nota di contenuto",null,"Structure and Variation in Language Contact -- Editorial page -- Title page -- LCC data -- Dedication page -- Table of contents -- Introduction -- References -- Structure -- The phonetics of tone in Saramaccan -- 0. Introduction -- 1. The three-way tonal lexical contrast in Saramaccan -- 2. The \"split'' lexicon of Saramaccan -- 2.1. Commonly attested tonal patterns -- 2.2. On the origins of the split -- 3. A preliminary phonetic examination of the split lexicon -- 3.1. Theoretical background -- 3.2. Data collection -- 4. The phonetics of high-tone plateauing -- 4.1. Introduction -- 4.2. Plateauing between a noun and preceding adjective -- 4.3. Plateauing between a subject and predicate -- 5. Conclusion -- References -- Tracing the origin of modality  in the creoles of Suriname1 -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Comparing modality in the creoles of Suriname and Gbe -- 3. Ability and possibility -- 4. Negative possibility -- 5. Epistemic possibility -- 6. The categorial status of the modality elements -- 7. The emergence of possibility and ability in the maroon creoles of Suriname -- 8. Necessity -- 9. The categorial status of the modality elements -- 10. The emergence of necessity in the creoles of Suriname -- 11. Summary and conclusion -- References -- Modeling Creole Genesis -- 0. Introduction -- 1. Affixation and synthetic compounds -- 2. Acquisition processes and synthetic compounds -- 2.1. Second "]
[{"$nulls":4},"Language Acquisition -- 2.2. First Language Acquisition -- 2.3. Summary of implications -- 3. Analysis -- 4. The categorial status and position of -MA and diachronic depth -- References -- The restructuring of tense/aspect systems  in creole formation -- 1. Introduction -- 1.1. The superstrate input to creole formation -- 1.2. Acquisition of tense/aspect -- 2. The emergence of Haitian Creole -- 2.1. The emergence of the Haitian Creole TMA system."]
[{"$nulls":4},"2.2. The superstrate input to HC -- 2.3. Internal developments -- 2.4. Substrate influence on HC -- 3. The emergence of tense/aspect in Sranan Tongo -- 3.1. The superstrate input to Sranan formation -- 3.2. Historical background -- 3.3. Substrate influence on Sranan tense/aspect -- 3.4. Comparing perfective in Gbe and Sranan -- 3.5. Comparing the completive in Gbe and Sranan -- 3.6. The expression of `imperfective' meaning in Gbe and Sranan -- 3.7. Internal developments in Sranan tense/aspect -- 4. Conclusion -- References -- Syntactic properties of negation  in Chinook Jargon, with a comparison  to two source languages -- 0. Introduction -- 1. Syntactic properties of CJ sentential negation -- 1.1. Positioning of the negative marker -- 1.2. The categorial status of the CJ negative marker `wek' -- 1.3. `Complex markers' of sentential negation in CJ -- 1.4. Positioning of negative indefinites in CJ -- 1.5. Summary of the section -- 2. Negation in CJ source languages -- 2.1. Lower Chinook -- 2.2. Upper Chehalis -- 2.3. CJ negation in comparison to negation in source languages -- 3. Summary and discussion -- References -- Sri Lankan Malay morphosyntax -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Non-convergent predicate orders -- 3. Embedded clauses -- 4. The verbal domain -- 4.1. Negation -- 4.2. Tense and aspect -- 4.3. Non-finite SLM clauses as nominalizations -- 5. The nominal domain -- 5.1. Case markers as inflection? -- 5.2. Functional reanalysis: Post-nominal ya1'135/nya(1'135) as a case marker -- 5.3. Functional extension: Post-nominal na\"5D as a case marker -- 5.4. Pre-nominal relative clauses -- 6. An external explanation for the domain contrast? -- 7. The development of SLM -- 8. Conclusion -- References -- Sri Lanka Malay -- 1. Introduction -- 1.1. Origins of Sri Lanka Malay -- 1.2. Vehicular Malay -- 1.3. Sri Lanka Malay -- 2. TMA in Vehicular Malay."]
[{"$nulls":4},"3. TMA in SLM, Tamil and VM -- 3.1. Tense -- 3.2. Aspect -- 3.3. Mood -- 4. Discussion -- 4.1. Origin of TMA in Sri Lanka Malay -- 4.2. Timing of the development of Tamilized TMA in SLM -- 5. Summary -- References -- The advantages of a blockage-based etymological dictionary for proven or putative relexified languages -- 1. Introduction: An overview of relexification in the history of Yiddish -- 2. Identifying relexification processes and lexical blockage -- 3. Distinctive features of Yiddish relexification -- 4. Towards a blockage-based etymological dictionary -- 5. Sample entries -- References -- Variation -- A fresh look at habitual be in AAVE -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The distribution of agentive be -- 3. The overt inflection constraint -- 4. Be in the imperative and subjunctive -- 5. Agentive be and verb movement -- 6. Habitual Be in AAVE -- 7. The source of habitual be in AAVE -- References -- Oral narrative and tense in urban Bahamian Creole English -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Data -- 3. Oral narrative and tense -- 3.1. Narratives of personal experience -- 3.2. Folktales -- 3.3. Generic narratives -- 4. Conclusion -- References -- Aspects of variation in educated  Nigerian Pidgin -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The question of a NigP-to-English continuum -- 3. Data and method -- 4. Analysis of text samples -- 5. Results of corpus analyses -- 5.1. Tense/aspect marking -- 5.2. Copulas and related constructions -- 5.3. Verbal negation -- 6. Interpretation of results -- 7. Conclusion -- References -- A linguistic time-capsule -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The "]
[{"$nulls":4},"first act: 15th and 16th centuries -- 3. Early Afro-Portuguese texts (15th and 16th centuries) -- 4. Afro-Hispanic texts (15th and 16th centuries) -- 5. The second act: Early 17th and 18th centuries -- 5.1. Afro-Portuguese texts (17th to early 18th centuries)."]
[{"$nulls":4},"5.2. Afro-Hispanic texts (17th and 18th centuries) -- 6. The third act: Late 17th to early 20th centuries -- 6.1. Afro-Portuguese texts in Brazil and Portugal -- 6.2. Afro-Hispanic texts in Latin America -- 7. Conclusions -- References -- The progressive in the spoken Papiamentu of Aruba -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Language contact in Aruba -- 3. Data and methods -- 4. Definition of the variable -- 5. Results -- 5.1. Linguistic factors -- 5.2. Social factors -- 6. Discussion and conclusions -- References -- Was Haitian ever more like French? -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Geographical distribution of linguistic features within Haiti -- 3. Agglutination in Haitian -- 4. Lexicon vs. structure -- 5. The possibility of French influencing Haitian -- 6. Conclusion -- Appendix -- References -- The late transfer of serial verb constructions  as stylistic variants in Saramaccan creole -- 1. Introduction -- 2. SVCs and corresponding non-serial alternatives -- 2.1. SVCs in Modern Saramaccan -- 2.2. SVCs in the Early Saramaccan Texts -- 3. Conclusion -- References -- Index -- The series Creole Language Library."]
[null,null,null,"Sommario/riassunto","Verb serialization in Saramaccan is a transferred feature from Fongbe, where in both languages there are non-serial alternatives to serial verb constructions (SVCs).McWhorter (2002) argues that only features minimally necessary to language would transfer during creole genesis, isomorphically precluding stylistic variants. In a pidgin stage with speakers of English and Fongbe there would be no need for SVCs, as both languages have the same basic word order. But in modern Saramaccan and the historical texts there are non-serial constructions with SVCs as stylistic variants, not an unexpected aspect of creole expansion. Verb serialization would then have transferred during creole expansion, when the language was primarily a medium for community solidarity by Africans, and would represent the transfer of a non-essential feature."]