LEADER 08393nam 2200733Ia 450 001 9910967789603321 005 20200520144314.0 010 $a9786612444975 010 $a9781282444973 010 $a1282444972 010 $a9789027288943 010 $a9027288941 024 7 $a10.1075/slcs.114 035 $a(CKB)2550000000002583 035 $a(OCoLC)649901454 035 $a(CaPaEBR)ebrary10355436 035 $a(SSID)ssj0000334892 035 $a(PQKBManifestationID)11257087 035 $a(PQKBTitleCode)TC0000334892 035 $a(PQKBWorkID)10271571 035 $a(PQKB)10268400 035 $a(MiAaPQ)EBC622247 035 $a(Au-PeEL)EBL622247 035 $a(CaPaEBR)ebr10355436 035 $a(CaONFJC)MIL244497 035 $a(OCoLC)593287044 035 $a(DE-B1597)720852 035 $a(DE-B1597)9789027288943 035 $a(EXLCZ)992550000000002583 100 $a20090724d2009 uy 0 101 0 $aeng 135 $aurcn||||||||| 181 $ctxt 182 $cc 183 $acr 200 10$aAspect and the categorization of states $ethe case of ser and estar in Spanish /$fDavid Brian Roby 205 $a1st ed. 210 $aPhiladelphia $cJohn Benjamins Pub. Co.$d2009 215 $a1 online resource (210 p.) 225 1 $aStudies in language companion series ;$v114 300 $aBibliographic Level Mode of Issuance: Monograph 311 08$a9789027205810 311 08$a9027205817 320 $aIncludes bibliographical references and index. 327 $aAspect and the Categorization of States -- Editorial page -- Title page -- LCC data -- Table of contents -- Abbreviations -- Preface -- Introduction -- Chapter 1. Theoretical premises and background data -- 1.0 Introduction -- 1.1 Theoretical premises -- 1.1.1 Cognitive divisions of the world -- 1.1.2 Stage-level vs. individual-level predication -- 1.1.3 The pragmatic component -- 1.1.4 The functional category of aspect -- 1.1.5 Aspectual composition -- 1.2 Data layout -- 1.2.1 Spanish data -- 1.2.2 Cross-linguistic data -- Chapter 2. Common interpretations of ser and estar -- 2.0 Introduction -- 2.1 The permanent vs. temporary distinction -- 2.1.1 Evidence for the permanent vs. temporary distinction -- 2.1.2 Arguments against the permanent vs. temporary distinction -- 2.2 estar used to indicate a change of state -- 2.2.1 Apparent cases of estar denoting a change of state -- 2.2.2 estar used for geographical or other location -- 2.2.3 estar+adjective as counterevidence -- 2.3 Meaning change in adjectives constructed with ser or estar -- 2.4 The implied comparison interpretation -- 2.5 ser for inherent characteristics vs. estar for current condition -- 2.6 Summary -- Chapter 3. Other theoretical developments -- 3.0 Introduction -- 3.1 Davidsonian event arguments and stage- vs. individual-level predicates -- 3.2 The vp/ip split hypothesis -- 3.3 ser and estar and the stage-level/individual-level distinction -- 3.3.1 Arguments in favor of the slp/ilp distinction for ser and estar -- 3.3.2 Arguments against the slp/ilp distinction for ser and estar presented by Maienborn (2005) -- 3.3.3 Arguments against the slp/ilp distinction for ser and estar presented by Schmitt (1992) -- 3.3.4 The descriptive inadequacy of the slp/ilp analysis for passive sentences -- 3.4 ser and estar as aspectual indicators. 327 $a3.5 Maienborn's (2005) discourse-based account of ser and estar -- 3.5.1 Lexical semantics -- 3.5.2 Compositional semantics -- 3.5.3 The pragmatic component -- 3.6 Schmitt's analysis: Copula verbs and aspectual composition -- 3.6.1 Distributed Morphology and Generative Lexicon -- 3.6.2 ser as transparent verbalizer and estar as non-transparent verbalizer -- 3.6.3 Act be readings for ser and estar -- 3.6.4 ser and estar and statehood -- 3.7 Summary -- Chapter 4. Critical assessment of a discourse-based interpretation -- 4.0 Introduction -- 4.1 Testing Maienborn's (2005) analysis for descriptive adequacy -- 4.1.1 Evidentiality and the use of estar -- 4.1.2 Selectional restrictions for ser and estar -- 4.1.3 Topic situation contrast along a temporal dimension -- 4.1.4 Topic situation contrast along a spatial dimension -- 4.1.5 Locative sentences and an s* contrast along a temporal dimension -- 4.2 Advantages of a discourse-based framework for ser and estar -- 4.2.1 The preterite and imperfect conjugations in Spanish -- 4.2.2 Special uses of the imperfect -- 4.2.3 Special uses of the preterite -- 4.2.4 Special uses of the progressive construction -- 4.3 Potential drawbacks of a pragmatically-inspired framework -- 4.3.1 Lack of cross-linguistic uniformity for pragmatics -- 4.3.2 Lack of cross-dialectal uniformity for pragmatics -- 4.4 Summary -- Chapter 5. Aspectual composition and ser and estar -- 5.0 Introduction -- 5.1 Testing Schmitt's (2005) analysis for descriptive adequacy -- 5.1.1 Schmitt's act be data and grammaticality judgments -- 5.1.2 Co-composition with ser and estar -- 5.1.3 Implication in ser- and estar-predication -- 5.2 Schmitt's features for ser and estar -- 5.2.1 Aspectual morphology in the Spanish verbal paradigm -- 5.2.2 The case for ser as an imperfective copula -- 5.3 General observations regarding aspectual composition. 327 $a5.3.1 Aspectual classification and aspectual composition -- 5.3.2 Aspectual influence of nouns and adjectives on ser/estar-predication -- 5.3.3 The contribution of the verb to aspectual composition -- 5.4 Summary -- Chapter 6. Aspectual distinction in Spanish copular predication -- 6.0 Introduction -- 6.1 An aspect-driven theory for ser/estar -- 6.1.1 Aspectual features for both ser and estar -- 6.1.2 The compositional calculation of aspect -- 6.1.3 How aspect applies to states -- 6.1.4 Aspectual calculation for stative sentences -- 6.2 Theoretical justification for an aspectual analysis -- 6.2.1 Aspect as a grammatical category -- 6.2.2 Constant values for ser and estar in aspectual composition -- 6.2.3 The Spanish reflexive -- 6.3 Empirical evidence -- 6.3.1 Attributive predication -- 6.3.2 Equational predication -- 6.3.3 Generic predication -- 6.3.4 ser and estar in expressions of time -- 6.3.5 Evidential predicates -- 6.4 Summary -- Chapter 7. Conclusions -- 7.0 Introduction -- 7.1 Aspect and explanatory adequacy -- 7.1.1 The Theory of Universal Grammar -- 7.1.2 Aspect as a universal functional feature -- 7.1.3 Aspect as universal for states -- 7.2 Cross-linguistic considerations -- 7.2.1 Aspectual be in African American English -- 7.2.2 The "copula" and the "substantive verb" in Irish -- 7.3 Implications for future research -- 7.3.1 Aspect and the syntax-semantics interface -- 7.3.2 Universal quantifiers and aspectual composition -- 7.3.3 Aspect and diachronic language change -- 7.4 Summary -- References -- Subject Index -- Studies in Language Companion Series. 330 $aIn this work, the Spanish copulae ser and estar are argued to be aspectual morphemes. Their binary opposition reflects the universal aspectual values [±Perfective], which are the same ones overtly expressed by the preterite and imperfect past tense forms in Spanish. It can therefore be shown that different types of states, just like different types of events, can be categorized based on their aspectual composition. Additionally, the inherent semantic differences between events and states can be accounted for by analyzing aspect as applying to events internally and to states externally. A useful resource for the beginning linguist as well as the most seasoned analyst, this work is written in language that is easy to understand while remaining faithful to all of the appropriate relevant technical terminology. Anyone who is seriously interested in exploring why the Spanish verbs ser and estar are used the way they are should read this book. 410 0$aStudies in language companion series ;$v114. 606 $aSpanish language$xVerb 606 $aSer (The Spanish word) 606 $aEstar (The Spanish word) 615 0$aSpanish language$xVerb. 615 0$aSer (The Spanish word) 615 0$aEstar (The Spanish word) 676 $a465/.6 700 $aRoby$b David Brian$f1972-$01801047 801 0$bMiAaPQ 801 1$bMiAaPQ 801 2$bMiAaPQ 906 $aBOOK 912 $a9910967789603321 996 $aAspect and the categorization of states$94346095 997 $aUNINA