LEADER 00843nam0-22003011i-450 001 990000831330403321 005 20190404115344.0 010 $a3-540-17950-X 035 $a000083133 035 $aFED01000083133 035 $a(Aleph)000083133FED01 035 $a000083133 100 $a20001010d1987----km-y0itay50------ba 101 0 $aeng 105 $ay-------001yy 200 1 $aVibrations in mechanical systems$eanalytical methods and applications$fM. Roseau 210 $aBerlin$cSpringer-Verlag$d1987 215 $aXIV, 515 p. 112 fig. 25 cm 676 $a531 700 1$aRoseau,$bMaurice$011978 801 0$aIT$bUNINA$gRICA$2UNIMARC 901 $aBK 912 $a990000831330403321 952 $a02 66 C 8$b5258$fFINBN 959 $aFINBN 996 $aVibrations in mechanical systems$9348197 997 $aUNINA DB $aING01 LEADER 09536nam 2200709Ia 450 001 9910967274503321 005 20200520144314.0 010 $a9786612155208 010 $a9781282155206 010 $a1282155202 010 $a9789027293084 010 $a9027293082 024 7 $a10.1075/cll.29 035 $a(CKB)1000000000521798 035 $a(SSID)ssj0000252658 035 $a(PQKBManifestationID)11244232 035 $a(PQKBTitleCode)TC0000252658 035 $a(PQKBWorkID)10180874 035 $a(PQKB)11071323 035 $a(MiAaPQ)EBC623153 035 $a(Au-PeEL)EBL623153 035 $a(CaPaEBR)ebr10152518 035 $a(CaONFJC)MIL215520 035 $a(OCoLC)237770714 035 $a(DE-B1597)720690 035 $a(DE-B1597)9789027293084 035 $a(EXLCZ)991000000000521798 100 $a20060717d2006 uy 0 101 0 $aeng 135 $aurcn||||||||| 181 $ctxt 182 $cc 183 $acr 200 00$aStructure and variation in language contact /$fedited by Ana Deumert, Stephanie Durrleman 205 $a1st ed. 210 $aPhiladelphia $cJ. Benjamins$dc2006 215 $aviii, 376 p 225 1 $aCreole language library,$x0920-9026 ;$vv. 29 300 $aBibliographic Level Mode of Issuance: Monograph 311 08$a9789027252517 311 08$a9027252513 320 $aIncludes bibliographical references and index. 327 $aStructure and Variation in Language Contact -- Editorial page -- Title page -- LCC data -- Dedication page -- Table of contents -- Introduction -- References -- Structure -- The phonetics of tone in Saramaccan -- 0. Introduction -- 1. The three-way tonal lexical contrast in Saramaccan -- 2. The "split'' lexicon of Saramaccan -- 2.1. Commonly attested tonal patterns -- 2.2. On the origins of the split -- 3. A preliminary phonetic examination of the split lexicon -- 3.1. Theoretical background -- 3.2. Data collection -- 4. The phonetics of high-tone plateauing -- 4.1. Introduction -- 4.2. Plateauing between a noun and preceding adjective -- 4.3. Plateauing between a subject and predicate -- 5. Conclusion -- References -- Tracing the origin of modality in the creoles of Suriname1 -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Comparing modality in the creoles of Suriname and Gbe -- 3. Ability and possibility -- 4. Negative possibility -- 5. Epistemic possibility -- 6. The categorial status of the modality elements -- 7. The emergence of possibility and ability in the maroon creoles of Suriname -- 8. Necessity -- 9. The categorial status of the modality elements -- 10. The emergence of necessity in the creoles of Suriname -- 11. Summary and conclusion -- References -- Modeling Creole Genesis -- 0. Introduction -- 1. Affixation and synthetic compounds -- 2. Acquisition processes and synthetic compounds -- 2.1. Second Language Acquisition -- 2.2. First Language Acquisition -- 2.3. Summary of implications -- 3. Analysis -- 4. The categorial status and position of -MA and diachronic depth -- References -- The restructuring of tense/aspect systems in creole formation -- 1. Introduction -- 1.1. The superstrate input to creole formation -- 1.2. Acquisition of tense/aspect -- 2. The emergence of Haitian Creole -- 2.1. The emergence of the Haitian Creole TMA system. 327 $a2.2. The superstrate input to HC -- 2.3. Internal developments -- 2.4. Substrate influence on HC -- 3. The emergence of tense/aspect in Sranan Tongo -- 3.1. The superstrate input to Sranan formation -- 3.2. Historical background -- 3.3. Substrate influence on Sranan tense/aspect -- 3.4. Comparing perfective in Gbe and Sranan -- 3.5. Comparing the completive in Gbe and Sranan -- 3.6. The expression of `imperfective' meaning in Gbe and Sranan -- 3.7. Internal developments in Sranan tense/aspect -- 4. Conclusion -- References -- Syntactic properties of negation in Chinook Jargon, with a comparison to two source languages -- 0. Introduction -- 1. Syntactic properties of CJ sentential negation -- 1.1. Positioning of the negative marker -- 1.2. The categorial status of the CJ negative marker `wek' -- 1.3. `Complex markers' of sentential negation in CJ -- 1.4. Positioning of negative indefinites in CJ -- 1.5. Summary of the section -- 2. Negation in CJ source languages -- 2.1. Lower Chinook -- 2.2. Upper Chehalis -- 2.3. CJ negation in comparison to negation in source languages -- 3. Summary and discussion -- References -- Sri Lankan Malay morphosyntax -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Non-convergent predicate orders -- 3. Embedded clauses -- 4. The verbal domain -- 4.1. Negation -- 4.2. Tense and aspect -- 4.3. Non-finite SLM clauses as nominalizations -- 5. The nominal domain -- 5.1. Case markers as inflection? -- 5.2. Functional reanalysis: Post-nominal ya1'135/nya(1'135) as a case marker -- 5.3. Functional extension: Post-nominal na"5D as a case marker -- 5.4. Pre-nominal relative clauses -- 6. An external explanation for the domain contrast? -- 7. The development of SLM -- 8. Conclusion -- References -- Sri Lanka Malay -- 1. Introduction -- 1.1. Origins of Sri Lanka Malay -- 1.2. Vehicular Malay -- 1.3. Sri Lanka Malay -- 2. TMA in Vehicular Malay. 327 $a3. TMA in SLM, Tamil and VM -- 3.1. Tense -- 3.2. Aspect -- 3.3. Mood -- 4. Discussion -- 4.1. Origin of TMA in Sri Lanka Malay -- 4.2. Timing of the development of Tamilized TMA in SLM -- 5. Summary -- References -- The advantages of a blockage-based etymological dictionary for proven or putative relexified languages -- 1. Introduction: An overview of relexification in the history of Yiddish -- 2. Identifying relexification processes and lexical blockage -- 3. Distinctive features of Yiddish relexification -- 4. Towards a blockage-based etymological dictionary -- 5. Sample entries -- References -- Variation -- A fresh look at habitual be in AAVE -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The distribution of agentive be -- 3. The overt inflection constraint -- 4. Be in the imperative and subjunctive -- 5. Agentive be and verb movement -- 6. Habitual Be in AAVE -- 7. The source of habitual be in AAVE -- References -- Oral narrative and tense in urban Bahamian Creole English -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Data -- 3. Oral narrative and tense -- 3.1. Narratives of personal experience -- 3.2. Folktales -- 3.3. Generic narratives -- 4. Conclusion -- References -- Aspects of variation in educated Nigerian Pidgin -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The question of a NigP-to-English continuum -- 3. Data and method -- 4. Analysis of text samples -- 5. Results of corpus analyses -- 5.1. Tense/aspect marking -- 5.2. Copulas and related constructions -- 5.3. Verbal negation -- 6. Interpretation of results -- 7. Conclusion -- References -- A linguistic time-capsule -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The first act: 15th and 16th centuries -- 3. Early Afro-Portuguese texts (15th and 16th centuries) -- 4. Afro-Hispanic texts (15th and 16th centuries) -- 5. The second act: Early 17th and 18th centuries -- 5.1. Afro-Portuguese texts (17th to early 18th centuries). 327 $a5.2. Afro-Hispanic texts (17th and 18th centuries) -- 6. The third act: Late 17th to early 20th centuries -- 6.1. Afro-Portuguese texts in Brazil and Portugal -- 6.2. Afro-Hispanic texts in Latin America -- 7. Conclusions -- References -- The progressive in the spoken Papiamentu of Aruba -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Language contact in Aruba -- 3. Data and methods -- 4. Definition of the variable -- 5. Results -- 5.1. Linguistic factors -- 5.2. Social factors -- 6. Discussion and conclusions -- References -- Was Haitian ever more like French? -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Geographical distribution of linguistic features within Haiti -- 3. Agglutination in Haitian -- 4. Lexicon vs. structure -- 5. The possibility of French influencing Haitian -- 6. Conclusion -- Appendix -- References -- The late transfer of serial verb constructions as stylistic variants in Saramaccan creole -- 1. Introduction -- 2. SVCs and corresponding non-serial alternatives -- 2.1. SVCs in Modern Saramaccan -- 2.2. SVCs in the Early Saramaccan Texts -- 3. Conclusion -- References -- Index -- The series Creole Language Library. 330 $aVerb serialization in Saramaccan is a transferred feature from Fongbe, where in both languages there are non-serial alternatives to serial verb constructions (SVCs).McWhorter (2002) argues that only features minimally necessary to language would transfer during creole genesis, isomorphically precluding stylistic variants. In a pidgin stage with speakers of English and Fongbe there would be no need for SVCs, as both languages have the same basic word order. But in modern Saramaccan and the historical texts there are non-serial constructions with SVCs as stylistic variants, not an unexpected aspect of creole expansion. Verb serialization would then have transferred during creole expansion, when the language was primarily a medium for community solidarity by Africans, and would represent the transfer of a non-essential feature. 410 0$aCreole language library ;$vv. 29. 606 $aLanguages in contact 606 $aLanguage and languages$xVariation 615 0$aLanguages in contact. 615 0$aLanguage and languages$xVariation. 676 $a417/.7 701 $aDeumert$b Ana$0286274 701 $aDurrleman$b Stephanie$01802075 801 0$bMiAaPQ 801 1$bMiAaPQ 801 2$bMiAaPQ 906 $aBOOK 912 $a9910967274503321 996 $aStructure and variation in language contact$94347605 997 $aUNINA LEADER 03142nam 22006374a 450 001 9911019660403321 005 20200520144314.0 010 $a9786610648900 010 $a9781119206910 010 $a111920691X 010 $a9781280648908 010 $a1280648902 010 $a9780470034859 010 $a0470034858 035 $a(CKB)1000000000357329 035 $a(EBL)274394 035 $a(OCoLC)82336975 035 $a(SSID)ssj0000123990 035 $a(PQKBManifestationID)12027406 035 $a(PQKBTitleCode)TC0000123990 035 $a(PQKBWorkID)10017225 035 $a(PQKB)10007270 035 $a(MiAaPQ)EBC274394 035 $a(Perlego)2755095 035 $a(EXLCZ)991000000000357329 100 $a20060518d2007 uy 0 101 0 $aeng 135 $aur|n|---||||| 181 $ctxt 182 $cc 183 $acr 200 10$aCoaching at work $epowering your team with awareness, responsibility, and trust /$fMatt Somers 210 $aChichester, West Sussex, England ;$aSan Francisco, CA $cJohn Wiley & Sons$dc2007 215 $a1 online resource (349 p.) 300 $aDescription based upon print version of record. 311 08$a9780470017111 311 08$a0470017112 320 $aIncludes bibliographical references (p. [317]) and index. 327 $aCover; CONTENTS; FOREWORD; PREFACE; ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS; INTRODUCTION; PART 1: HOW TO COACH; 1: PEAK COACHING MODEL PT 1 - POTENTIAL & INTERFERENCE; 2: PEAK COACHING MODEL PT 2 - PERFORMANCE, LEARNING AND ENJOYMENT; 3: PEAK COACHING MODEL PT 3 - COACHING AND COMMUNICATION; 4: PEAK COACHING MODEL PT 4 - THE COACHING ARROW; 5: THE MODEL IN PRACTICE; PART 2: HOW TO APPLY COACHING; INTRODUCTION; 6: SALES; 7: PRESENTATIONS; 8: PERSONAL ORGANISATION; 9: PERFORMANCE REVIEW; 10: CAREER DEVELOPMENT; PART 3: HOW TO IMPLEMENT COACHING; INTRODUCTION; 11: TOWARDS A COACHING CULTURE 327 $a12: IMPLEMENTING A COACHING PROGRAMME13: EVALUATING THE PROGRAMME; 14: MAKING THE BUSINESS CASE FOR COACHING; EPILOGUE; REFERENCES; INDEX 330 $a""This book comes at a time when we are asking searching questions: How exactly do we earn the loyalty, trust and commitment of our people? How do we balance the needs of our organisations to do more with less with the need to create environments in which people can grow, develop and achieve their aspirations? The answers lie within each of those through whom so much can be achieved. This book is the key to unlocking them.""--Gareth Ford, Training & Development Manager, Atkins""Perfect Timing! Amongst the vast selection of coaching literature, this book is powerful in 3 ways.