LEADER 04095nam 2200529 450 001 9910794017303321 005 20220524134124.0 010 $a981-4881-70-8 024 7 $a10.1355/9789814881708 035 $a(CKB)4100000011208767 035 $a(DE-B1597)562991 035 $a(DE-B1597)9789814881708 035 $a(MiAaPQ)EBC6185677 035 $a(OCoLC)1153087880 035 $a(Au-PeEL)EBL6185677 035 $a(UkCbUP)CR9789814881708 035 $a(OCoLC)1205384954 035 $a(MdBmJHUP)musev2_85287 035 $a(EXLCZ)994100000011208767 100 $a20220524d2020 uy 0 101 0 $aeng 135 $aur||||||||||| 181 $ctxt$2rdacontent 182 $cc$2rdamedia 183 $acr$2rdacarrier 200 14$aThe free and open Indo-Pacific beyond 2020 $esimilarities and differences between the Trump administration and a democrat White House /$fJohn Lee 210 1$aSingapore :$cISEAS Yusof Ishak Institute,$d[2020] 210 4$dİ2020 215 $a1 online resource (36 pages) $cdigital, PDF file(s) 225 1 $aTrends in Southeast Asia, 2020 ;$vNumber 6 300 $aTitle from publisher's bibliographic system (viewed on 28 Oct 2021). 311 0 $a981-4881-69-4 327 $tFront matter --$tFOREWORD --$tThe Free and Open Indo-Pacific Beyond 2020: Similarities and Differences between the Trump Administration and a Democrat White House --$tThe Free and Open Indo-Pacific Beyond 2020: Similarities and Differences between the Trump Administration and a Democrat White House 330 $aAmerican Indo-Pacific policy will be driven by its China policy, regardless of whether there is a second-term Donald Trump administration or a first-term Joe Biden administration. The Republicans will continue to frame the major challenge as 'balancing' against Chinese power and 'countering' the worst aspects of Beijing's policies. Establishment or moderate Democrats under Biden will choose the softer language of seeking a favourable 'competitive coexistence' in the military, economic, political and global governance realms, and the reassertion of American leadership and moral standing. In advancing the FOIP, the current administration argues that disruptiveness and unpredictability are necessary to reverse what they see as the 'normalization' of Chinese assertiveness, coercion and revisionism. They also point to the closeness of US cooperation with Japan, Australia and India and bourgeoning strategic relationships with Vietnam. A second-term Trump administration will continue to seek out 'fit-for-purpose' existing institutions and relationships, or prioritize new ones. Establishment Democrats believe that the 'America First' unilateralist approach is unsettling for allies and partners. In advancing a favourable 'competitive coexistence' with China, Democrats will seek to expand the tools of statecraft and achieve a better balance between military/economic/political/governance approaches.

Prima facie, a Biden administration might position America as a more consultative guarantor of a preferred order. However, there will be greater pressure on Southeast Asians to accept more collective responsibility to advance common objectives. This means hedging in a manner more suitable to American rather than Chinese preferences. Failing that, more emphasis might be placed on greater institutionalization of the Quad and ad hoc groupings. A Bernie Sanders administration, now an unlikely prospect, would be a disaster for US standing and power in the region, and therefore for Southeast Asia. 410 0$aTrends in Southeast Asia ;$vNumber 6. 606 $aPOLITICAL SCIENCE / International Relations / General$2bisacsh 607 $aChina$xForeign relations$zUnited States 615 7$aPOLITICAL SCIENCE / International Relations / General. 676 $a327.51073 700 $aLee$b John$0364392 801 0$bMiAaPQ 801 1$bMiAaPQ 801 2$bMiAaPQ 906 $aBOOK 912 $a9910794017303321 996 $aThe free and open Indo-Pacific beyond 2020$93786410 997 $aUNINA