LEADER 01719nam0 2200361 i 450 001 VAN00050863 005 20240806100454.446 010 $a978-04-86635-19-4 100 $a20060901d1977 |0itac50 ba 101 $aeng 102 $aUS 105 $a|||| ||||| 200 1 $aIntegral, measure and derivative$ea unified approach$fG. E. Shilov, B. L. Gurevich 205 $aRevised English ed.$ftranslated [from the Russian] and edited by Richard A. Silverman 210 $aNew York$cDover$d1977 215 $aXIV, 233 p.$d21 cm 300 $aOriginally published: Englewood Cliffs ; London : Prentice-Hall, 1966 410 1$1001VAN00023566$12001 $aDover books on advanced mathematics$1210 $aNew York$cDover 500 1$3VAN00116454$aIntegral, mera i proizvodnaia$91521537 606 $a28-XX$xMeasure and integration [MSC 2020]$3VANC019878$2MF 620 $aUS$dNew York$3VANL000011 700 1$aShilov$bGeorgij E.$3VANV030174$0728099 701 1$aGurevich$bB. L.$3VANV039947$013085 702 1$aSilverman$bRichard A.$3VANV019904 712 $aDover $3VANV108158$4650 790 1$aSilverman, Richard Allan$zSilverman, Richard A.$3VANV040221 801 $aIT$bSOL$c20251107$gRICA 856 4 $uhttps://books.google.it/books?id=LA7DAgAAQBAJ&printsec=frontcover&hl=it$zhttps://books.google.it/books?id=LA7DAgAAQBAJ&printsec=frontcover&hl=it 899 $aBIBLIOTECA DEL DIPARTIMENTO DI MATEMATICA E FISICA$1IT-CE0120$2VAN08 912 $aVAN00050863 950 $aBIBLIOTECA DEL DIPARTIMENTO DI MATEMATICA E FISICA$d08PREST 28-XX 4042 $e08 1803 I 20060901 996 $aIntegral, mera i proizvodnaia$91521537 997 $aUNICAMPANIA LEADER 08055oam 2200553 c 450 001 9910970446203321 005 20251102090541.0 010 $a9783838270654 010 $a3838270657 024 3 $a9783838270654 035 $a(CKB)4340000000252633 035 $a(MiAaPQ)EBC5782785 035 $a(Perlego)773132 035 $a(ibidem)9783838270654 035 $a(EXLCZ)994340000000252633 100 $a20251102d2017 uy 0 101 0 $aeng 135 $aurcnu|||||||| 181 $2rdacontent 182 $2rdamedia 183 $2rdacarrier 200 10$aKind Words, Cruise Missiles, and Everything in Between $eThe Use of Power Resources in U.S. Policies towards Poland, Ukraine, and Belarus 1989?2008 /$fBarbara Kunz, Andreas Umland, William Hill 205 $a1st ed. 210 $aHannover$cibidem$d2017 215 $a1 online resource (291 pages) $cillustrations 225 0 $aSoviet and Post-Soviet Politics and Society$v174 320 $aIncludes bibliographical references. 327 $aIntro -- Preface -- Contents -- Abbreviations -- I Introduction -- I.1 The background -- I.1.1 Preserving the unipolar moment -- I.1.2 On the ground: the U.S. in Central and Eastern Europe -- I.2 Empirical objectives -- II The theoretical framework and methodology -- II.1 Introduction and research questions -- II.1.1 Neoclassical realism: an introduction -- II.1.2 Elite perceptions: of more than just the system? -- II.2 Non-friends, friends and undecided states -- II.2.1 Non-friends -- II.2.2 Friends -- II.2.3 Concluding remarks: undecided states -- II.3 Two types of power resources and foreign policy tools -- II.3.1 Power in political realism -- II.3.2 Positive and negative power: the relevance of base values -- II.3.3 Negative power and its bases -- II.3.4 Positive power and its bases -- II.3.5 Power resources and foreign policy tools -- II.4 Linking states' friend / non-friend / undecided status to power -- II.5 Concluding remarks on the theoretical framework -- II.6 Methodological considerations -- II.6.1 The cases -- II.6.2 Sources -- II.6.3 Research design: Comparative case studies -- II.6.4 Three steps in addressing the sources -- III U.S. Foreign Policies Towards Poland -- III.1 Introduction -- III.2 Laying the foundations: the U.S. and Solidarno?? -- III.2.1 Accompanying Poland to de facto independence 1989-1991 -- III.2.2 Foreign Policy Tools in Solidarno??-times -- III.3 An emerging new best friend in Europe: the second Gulf War and NATO enlargement -- III.3.1 Euro-Atlantic integration or: Overcoming Yalta -- III.3.2 Foreign policy tools 1991 to 2000 -- III.4 The heydays and their aftermath: 2001 onwards -- III.4.1 State Tourism: Bush, Kwa?niewski and the Iraq war -- III.4.2 Foreign policy tools 2001 to 2005 -- III.5 After Kwa?niewski: 2005 onwards -- III.5.1 The double Kaczy?ski era. 327 $aIII.5.2 Donald Tusk, the conclusion of the Missile Defence Agreement-and still no visa waiver programme -- III.5.3 Foreign policy tools after Kwa?niewski -- III.6 Conclusions on U.S. foreign policies towards Poland 1989-2008 -- IV U.S. Foreign Policies Towards Ukraine -- IV.1 Introduction: America's recognition of Ukraine's independence -- IV.2 The early years: Moscow-centrism and a focus on nuclear non-proliferation 1991 to 1994 -- IV.2.1 Solving the nuclear question -- IV.2.2 The Lisbon Protocol and Ukraine's accession to the NPT as a nuclear-free state -- IV.2.3 Foreign Policy Tools in solving the nuclear question -- IV.3 Conventional non-proliferation: Ukraine's accession to the MTCR, Bushehr and the Satellite Deal 1994 to 1998 -- IV.3.1 Getting Ukraine to join the MTCR -- IV.3.2 The Policy of issue linkage: non-proliferation, nuclear power plants and satellites -- IV.3.3 Foreign Policy Tools in making Ukraine join the MTCR -- IV.4 Euro-Atlantic integration: Ukraine in its wider context 1994 to 2004 -- IV.4.1 The U.S.-Ukrainian honeymoon: broadening relations -- IV.4.2 Setbacks and frustration -- IV.4.3 Multilateralising Ukraine's transformation: Ukraine and NATO -- IV.4.4 Foreign Policy Tools in promoting Ukraine's Euro-Atlantic integration -- IV.5 After the Orange Revolution: diminished U.S. interest 2004 to 2008 -- IV.5.1 Few illusions left: the Orange Revolution and its aftermath -- IV.5.2 Foreign policy tools 2004 to 2008 -- IV.6 Conclusions on U.S. foreign policies towards Ukraine -- V U.S. Foreign Policies Towards Belarus -- V.1 Introduction: At odds with the West -- V.2 Belarus and the US: the early years -- V.2.1 Belarus: The unproblematic answer to the nuclear question -- V.2.2 Foreign policy tools in early U.S.-Belarusian relations -- V.3 Lukashenka and "Selective Engagement "with Minsk. 327 $aV.3.1 Rigged elections and referenda: Deteriorating relations -- V.3.2 The Belarus Democracy Act -- V.3.3 Political Prisoners, Sanctions and Personae Non Gratae -- V.3.4 "Selective engagement" and foreign policy tools -- V.4 The wider context: Belarus in international politics -- V.4.1 The Bush II era: Belarus as a rogue state? -- V.4.2 Belarus and Euro-Atlantic Integration -- V.4.3 The wider context and foreign policy tools -- V.5 Conclusions on U.S. foreign policies towards Belarus 1991-2008 -- VI Conclusions -- VI.1 Returning to the research questions -- VI.2 Empirical findings: U.S. post-Cold War policies towards Poland, Ukraine and Belarus -- VI.3 Implications for theory building: linking status to power -- VI.3.1 Friends, non-friends and undecided states: an element of the missing link -- VI.3.2 A category of its own: undecided states -- VI.3.3 Positive and negative power as means to shape and control the environment -- VI.4 Final remarks -- Annex -- High-level contacts between the U.S. and Poland, Ukraine and Belarus -- References -- Primary Sources -- Speeches, Press Releases and Briefings* -- Background Notes -- Treaties, Laws, Reports and Official Strategies -- Websites -- Books and Articles -- Media Sources. 330 $aAccording to general Realist premises, after the end of the Cold War, the United States took an interest in remaining the only super power. Accordingly, it was attempting to maintain and manage unipolarity. The pursuit of this Grand Strategy, however, required the U.S. to adapt its various strategies to the various receiving states. Poland, Ukraine, and Belarus played very unalike roles in that configuration: Whilst Poland was labeled ?America?s best friend? by President George W. Bush, Belarus was not seeking alignment with the U.S., whereas Ukraine-U.S. relations were subject to many ups and downs. The three countries? diverging attitudes towards Washington led to very different policy approaches from a U.S. vantage point. As this study shows, the U.S. did not have an overall strategy for the region. Rather, Washington managed its relations with European states through a set of mainly bilateral relations. Madeleine Albright once described the tools of foreign policy as including ?everything from kind words to cruise missiles?. This book is a comparative case study of the United States? use of these tools in its approaches towards Poland, Ukraine, and Belarus after the end of the Cold War. As the ?only remaining superpower?, Washington played a key role in the formation of post-communist Central and Eastern Europe. Yet, its actions and policies have received comparatively little attention. This book contributes to filling that gap by providing three in-depth case studies. 410 0$aSoviet and post-Soviet politics and society. 606 $aUSA 606 $aPoland 606 $aBelorussia 615 4$aUSA 615 4$aPoland 615 4$aBelorussia 676 $a327.730438 700 $aKunz$b Barbara$4aut$01458873 702 $aUmland$b Andreas$cDr.$4edt 702 $aHill$b William$4aui 801 0$bMiAaPQ 801 1$bMiAaPQ 801 2$bMiAaPQ 906 $aBOOK 912 $a9910970446203321 996 $aKind words, cruise missiles, and everything in between$94123769 997 $aUNINA