05062nam 2200973 450 991082059420332120230803204053.00-8232-6242-10-8232-6898-50-8232-6244-80-8232-6245-610.1515/9780823262441(CKB)3710000000216395(OCoLC)889302779(CaPaEBR)ebrary10904478(SSID)ssj0001292754(PQKBManifestationID)11849891(PQKBTitleCode)TC0001292754(PQKBWorkID)11304067(PQKB)10234614(StDuBDS)EDZ0001193260(MiAaPQ)EBC4803891(MiAaPQ)EBC3239913(MdBmJHUP)muse37906(DE-B1597)555387(DE-B1597)9780823262441(Au-PeEL)EBL3239913(CaPaEBR)ebr10904478(CaONFJC)MIL728711(OCoLC)923764489(MiAaPQ)EBC1961789(Au-PeEL)EBL1961789(EXLCZ)99371000000021639520140814h20142014 uy 0engur|||||||||||txtccrPunishment and inclusion race, membership, and the limits of American liberalism /Andrew DiltsFirst edition.New York :Fordham University Press,2014.©20141 online resource (347 p.)Just IdeasBibliographic Level Mode of Issuance: Monograph1-322-97429-2 0-8232-6241-3 Includes bibliographical references and index.Front matter --Contents --Preface --Acknowledgments --A Note About the Cover --1. A Productive Injustice --2. Fabricating Figures --3. Neoliberal Penality and the Biopolitics of Homo CEconomicus --4. To Kill a Thief --5. Innocent Citizens, Guilty Subjects --6. Punishing at the Ballot Box --7. Civic Disabilities --8. (Re)figuring Justice --Coda --Notes --Bibliography --IndexAt the start of the twenty-first century, 1 percent of the U.S. population is behind bars. An additional 3 percent is on parole or probation. In all but two states, incarcerated felons cannot vote, and in three states felon disenfranchisement is for life. More than 5 million adult Americans cannot vote because of a felony-class criminal conviction, meaning that more than 2 percent of otherwise eligible voters are stripped of their political rights. Nationally, fully a third of the disenfranchised are African American, effectively disenfranchising 8 percent of all African Americans in the United States. In Alabama, Kentucky, and Florida, one in every five adult African Americans cannot vote. Punishment and Inclusion gives a theoretical and historical account of this pernicious practice of felon disenfranchisement, drawing widely on early modern political philosophy, continental and postcolonial political thought, critical race theory, feminist philosophy, disability theory, critical legal studies, and archival research into state constitutional conventions. It demonstrates that the history of felon disenfranchisement, rooted in post slavery restrictions on suffrage and the contemporaneous emergence of the modern “American” penal system, reveals the deep connections between two political institutions often thought to be separate, showing the work of membership done by the criminal punishment system and the work of punishment done by the electoral franchise. Felon disenfranchisement is a symptom of the tension that persists in democratic politics between membership and punishment. This book shows how this tension is managed via the persistence of white supremacy in contemporary regimes of punishment and governance.Just ideas.SuffrageUnited StatesPrisonersSuffrageUnited StatesPolitical rights, Loss ofUnited StatesDiscrimination in criminal justice administrationUnited StatesPunishmentUnited StatesUnited StatesPolitics and governmentCivil Death.Felon Disenfranchisement.John Locke.Liberalism.Maryland.Michel Foucault.Punishment.Voting Rights.inclusion.political membership.race.SuffragePrisonersSuffragePolitical rights, Loss ofDiscrimination in criminal justice administrationPunishment324.6/20869270973POL010000LAW026000SOC004000bisacshDilts Andrew1705714MiAaPQMiAaPQMiAaPQBOOK9910820594203321Punishment and inclusion4092655UNINA