04471nam 2200769 a 450 991078851360332120200520144314.01-283-89647-80-8122-0687-810.9783/9780812206876(CKB)3240000000068551(OCoLC)794702292(CaPaEBR)ebrary10642158(SSID)ssj0000631161(PQKBManifestationID)11392396(PQKBTitleCode)TC0000631161(PQKBWorkID)10591906(PQKB)11542006(MdBmJHUP)muse17958(DE-B1597)449483(OCoLC)979881072(DE-B1597)9780812206876(Au-PeEL)EBL3441823(CaPaEBR)ebr10642158(CaONFJC)MIL420897(MiAaPQ)EBC3441823(EXLCZ)99324000000006855120090615d2010 uy 0engurcn|||||||||txtccrBlack conservative intellectuals in modern America[electronic resource] /Michael L. OndaatjePhiladelphia University of Pennsylvania Pressc20101 online resource (227 p.)Bibliographic Level Mode of Issuance: Monograph0-8122-2204-0 Includes bibliographical references (p. [157]-208) and index.Profiles of an intellectual vanguard -- Affirmative action dilemmas -- Partisans of the poor? -- Visions of school reform.In the last three decades, a brand of black conservatism espoused by a controversial group of African American intellectuals has become a fixture in the nation's political landscape, its proponents having shaped policy debates over some of the most pressing matters that confront contemporary American society. Their ideas, though, have been neglected by scholars of the African American experience-and much of the responsibility for explaining black conservatism's historical and contemporary significance has fallen to highly partisan journalists. Typically, those pundits have addressed black conservatives as an undifferentiated mass, proclaiming them good or bad, right or wrong, color-blind visionaries or Uncle Toms. In Black Conservative Intellectuals in Modern America, Michael L. Ondaatje delves deeply into the historical archive to chronicle the origins of black conservatism in the United States from the early 1980's to the present. Focusing on three significant policy issues-affirmative action, welfare, and education-Ondaatje critically engages with the ideas of nine of the most influential black conservatives. He further documents how their ideas were received, both by white conservatives eager to capitalize on black support for their ideas and by activists on the left who too often sought to impugn the motives of black conservatives instead of challenging the merits of their claims. While Ondaatje's investigation uncovers the themes and issues that link these voices together, he debunks the myth of a monolithic black conservatism. Figures such as Supreme Court Justice Clarence Thomas, the Hoover Institution's Thomas Sowell and Shelby Steele, and cultural theorist John McWhorter emerge as individuals with their own distinct understandings of and relationships to the conservative political tradition.African American intellectualsPolitical activityConservativesUnited StatesConservatismUnited StatesPhilosophyAffirmative action programsUnited StatesAfrican AmericansSocial conditionsAfrican AmericansEconomic conditionsUnited StatesPolitics and governmentAmerican History.American Studies.Political Science.Public Policy.African American intellectualsPolitical activity.ConservativesConservatismPhilosophy.Affirmative action programsAfrican AmericansSocial conditions.African AmericansEconomic conditions.320.52092Ondaatje Michael L175828MiAaPQMiAaPQMiAaPQBOOK9910788513603321Black conservative intellectuals in modern America3844891UNINA04235nam 2200613Ia 450 991045002860332120200520144314.01-59734-769-80-520-93766-X10.1525/9780520937666(CKB)1000000000005442(EBL)224563(OCoLC)475931382(SSID)ssj0000208185(PQKBManifestationID)11207201(PQKBTitleCode)TC0000208185(PQKBWorkID)10240003(PQKB)10817889(MiAaPQ)EBC224563(DE-B1597)520602(OCoLC)1114910084(DE-B1597)9780520937666(Au-PeEL)EBL224563(CaPaEBR)ebr10057120(EXLCZ)99100000000000544220040322e20032002 uy 0engurun#---|u||utxtccrNarrowing the nation's power the Supreme Court sides with the states /John T. Noonan, Jr.1st ed.Berkeley, Calif. ;London University of California Press20031 online resource (215 p.)Originally published: 2002.0-520-23574-6 0-520-24068-5 Includes bibliographical references and index.Front matter --Contents --Acknowledgments --Prologue: A Recurrent Struggle Is Resumed --1. The Battle Of Boerne --2. Superior Beings --3. Votaries --4. The Sovereign Publisher And The Last Of The Menu Girls --5. Perhaps Inconsequential Problems --6. Gang Rape At State U --7. Sovereign Remedy --Notes --IndexNarrowing the Nation's Power is the tale of how a cohesive majority of the Supreme Court has, in the last six years, cut back the power of Congress and enhanced the autonomy of the fifty states. The immunity from suit of the sovereign, Blackstone taught, is necessary to preserve the people's idea that the sovereign is "a superior being." Promoting the common law doctrine of sovereign immunity to constitutional status, the current Supreme Court has used it to shield the states from damages for age discrimination, disability discrimination, and the violation of patents, trademarks, copyrights, and fair labor standards. Not just the states themselves, but every state-sponsored entity--a state insurance scheme, a state university's research lab, the Idaho Potato Commission-has been insulated from paying damages in tort or contract. Sovereign immunity, as Noonan puts it, has metastasized. "It only hurts when you think about it," Noonan's Yalewoman remarks. Crippled by the states' immunity, Congress has been further brought to heel by the Supreme Court's recent invention of two rules. The first rule: Congress must establish a documentary record that a national evil exists before Congress can legislate to protect life, liberty, or property under the Fourteenth Amendment. The second rule: The response of Congress to the evil must then be both "congruent" and "proportionate." The Supreme Court determines whether these standards are met, thereby making itself the master monitor of national legislation. Even legislation under the Commerce Clause has been found wanting, illustrated here by the story of Christy Brzonkala's attempt to redress multiple rapes at a state university by invoking the Violence Against Women Act. The nation's power has been remarkably narrowed. Noonan is a passionate believer in the place of persons in the law. Rules, he claims, are a necessary framework, but they must not obscure law's task of giving justice to persons. His critique of Supreme Court doctrine is driven by this conviction.Government liabilityUnited StatesStatesState governmentsUnited StatesPrivileges and immunitiesGovernment liabilityStates.State governmentsPrivileges and immunities.342.73088Noonan John Thomas1926-173831MiAaPQMiAaPQMiAaPQBOOK9910450028603321Narrowing the nation's power2468057UNINA