| |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
1. |
Record Nr. |
UNINA9910956911603321 |
|
|
Titolo |
Romance languages and linguistic theory 2010 : selected papers from "Going Romance" Leiden 2010 / / edited by Irene Franco, Sara Lusini, Andres Saab |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Pubbl/distr/stampa |
|
|
Amsterdam ; ; Philadelphia, : John Benjamins Pub. Co., 2012 |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
ISBN |
|
9781283895316 |
1283895315 |
9789027272478 |
9027272476 |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Edizione |
[1st ed.] |
|
|
|
|
|
Descrizione fisica |
|
1 online resource (231 p.) |
|
|
|
|
|
|
Collana |
|
Romance Languages and Linguistic Theory, , 1574-552X ; ; vol. 4 |
|
|
|
|
|
|
Altri autori (Persone) |
|
|
|
|
|
|
Disciplina |
|
|
|
|
|
|
Soggetti |
|
Romance languages |
Linguistics |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Lingua di pubblicazione |
|
|
|
|
|
|
Formato |
Materiale a stampa |
|
|
|
|
|
Livello bibliografico |
Monografia |
|
|
|
|
|
Note generali |
|
Description based upon print version of record. |
|
|
|
|
|
|
Nota di bibliografia |
|
Includes bibliographical references and index. |
|
|
|
|
|
|
Nota di contenuto |
|
Romance Languages and Linguistic Theory 2010; Editorial page; Title page; LCC data; Table of contents; Foreword; From Romance clitics to case; 1. Case: The oblique / dative; 1.1 Split accusativity; 2. The person case constraint; 2.1 A Case-based account; 2.2 A grammar without repairs; References; Contextual conditions on stem alternations; 1. Introduction; 1.1 Stem alternations in context; 1.2 The empirical question; 2. Conditions on contextual allomorphy; 2.1 Extension to stem alternation; 3. Two alternations in Spanish verbs; 3.1 Diphthongization; 3.2 "Raising"; 4. Interim summary |
5. A Question and a conjecture6. Conclusions; References; State nouns are Kimian states*; 1. Preliminaries and background concepts: States and nouns; 1.1 Preliminaries: A working definition of state; 1.2 Kimian states and Davidsonian states; 2. Nouns coming from K-state verbs; 2.1 Incompatibility with place modifiers; 2.2 Incompatibility with manner denoting adjectives; 2.3 Unavailability of temporal readings with ambiguous adjectives; 3. From D-state verbs to nouns; 3.1 From D-state verbs to K-state nouns; 3.1.1 Asymmetries with place modifiers; 3.1.2 Asymmetries with manner modifiers |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
3.1.3 Asymmetries with temporal readings of modifiers3.2 Two classes of D-state verbs; 4. Analysis: Some D-states contain a K-state; 4.1 Flexible D-states contain a K-state: Semantic evidence; 4.2 Matching the semantics with the internal projections of the verb; 5. Conclusions and extensions; References; I know the answer'; 1. Introduction; 2. Some Capeverdean statives need ta for a non-past reading; 2.1 The data that resist the stativity explanation; 2.1.1 Overt temporal morphemes; 2.1.2 Why stativity is not enough; 2.2 Stative properties of these present situations |
3. The relevant state is a Perfect state4. Cross-linguistic idiosyncrasies of 'know'; 5. Final remarks; References; Stressed vowel duration and stress placement in Italian; 1. Introduction; 2. Italian stress position and vowel duration; 2.1 Stress position; 2.2 Stress is contrastive; 2.3 Stressed vowel duration; 2.4 Explanations of vowel duration; 3. Experiment; 3.1 Design of the experiment; 3.2 Results; 3.2.1 Post-tonic vowels of proparoxytones: Duration; 3.2.2 Post-tonic vowels of proparoxytones: Centralization; 4. Interpretation of the results and analysis; 4.1 Stressed vowels |
4.2 Duration and centralization of post-tonic vowels5. Principles of stress assignment; 5.1 Non-lexical stress and syllable weight; 5.2 Stress assignment and number of syllables; 5.2.1 Further data on stress shift; 5.3 Provisional conclusions and discussion of previous explanations; 6. Feet and stress assignment in Italian; 6.1 Foot types; 6.2 Non-lexical stress; 7. Conclusions and further directions; References; Serial prosodification and voiced stop geminates in Catalan*; 1. Introduction; 2. Data; 3. Theoretical background; 3.1 Harmonic serialism and prosodification |
3.2 A theory of serial syllabification in Harmonic Serialism |
|
|
|
|
|
|
Sommario/riassunto |
|
I claim that scope interactions provide empirical evidence in order to establish the argument structure of the causative construction in Romance languages. Since quantifier raising adjoins a quantified argument to vP, quantified arguments interact differently if they are coarguments than if they are not. Thus, scope interactions are able to give indications on what arguments in a causative structure belong to the same vP, and, as a consequence, how vPs may occur in a causative structure. The data I discuss shows that in Romance causative structures the causee and the internal argument (if any) |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| |