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Record Nr. |
UNINA9910819582203321 |
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Autore |
Villa-García Julio |
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Titolo |
The syntax of multiple-que sentences in Spanish : along the left periphery / / Julio Villa-García, Villanova University |
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Pubbl/distr/stampa |
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Amsterdam, The Netherlands ; ; Philadelphia, Pennsylvania : , : John Benjamins Publishing Company, , 2015 |
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©2015 |
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ISBN |
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Descrizione fisica |
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1 online resource (290 p.) |
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Collana |
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Issues in Hispanic and Lusophone Linguistics, , 2213-3887 ; ; Volume 2 |
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Disciplina |
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Soggetti |
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Spanish language - Syntax |
Spanish language - Word order |
Spanish language - Clitics |
Spanish language - Clauses |
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Lingua di pubblicazione |
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Formato |
Materiale a stampa |
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Livello bibliografico |
Monografia |
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Note generali |
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Description based upon print version of record. |
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Nota di bibliografia |
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Includes bibliographical references and index. |
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Nota di contenuto |
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Editorial page; Title page; LCC data; Table of contents; Preface; List of abbreviations; Introduction; 1. Theoretical and empirical scope of this volume; 2. The fine structure of the left periphery; 3. Major claims of this volume; 3.1 Against a processing account of double-complementizer sentences in Spanish; 3.2 A note on terminology; 4. Organization of the book; Toward a syntactic analysis of Spanish recomplementation; 1. Introduction; 2. The phenomenon of recomplementation; 2.1 Other types of non-high que; 3. Properties of recomplementation configurations |
3.1 The constituents sandwiched between ques are left-dislocated3.2 Distributional properties of recomplementation que; 3.2.1 Multiple instances of sandwiched left-dislocation; 3.2.2 On the iterative nature of recomplementation que; 3.2.3 Non-dislocated left-peripheral XPs cannot appear to the left of recomplementation que; 3.3 Selection and recomplementation que; 3.4 Recomplementation que blocks movement across it; 3.5 On the relationship between the sandwiched dislocated phrase and recomplementation que; 3.5.1 *Que que sequences? |
3.5.2 The sandwiched XP and recomplementation que stand in a Spec- |
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Head relationship3.5.2.1 Polarity and recomplementation. In recent work, Garrett (2013) provides empirical support for the claim put forth here that both the sandwiched XP and recomplementation que are topic-related entities. The author applies a test for topichood devise; 3.5.2.2 Ellipsis and recomplementation. As noted above, Paoli (2006) claims that the second que in Romance recomplementation agrees with an element in its specifier, an intuition already expressed in Uriagereka (1995a). I have also shown that Saramaccan a |
4. Evaluating the existing accounts of recomplementation4.1 Existing proposals; 4.1.1 CP recursion; 4.1.2 Recomplementation que in FP; 4.1.3 Proposals within Rizzi's split-CP system; 4.1.3.1 Recomplementation que in FinitenessP. A number of proposals assume that optional secondary que heads FinitenessP, while the high, obligatory que characteristic of embedded declarative clauses heads ForceP, the two complementizers serving to delimi |
4.1.3.2 No TopicP/FocusP: Recomplementation que in FinitenessP. A modified version of the FinitenessP analysis of recomplementation is put forward in López (2009a, b). For López, projections such as TopicP and FocusP should be dispensed with, but the Forc4.1.3.3 Recomplementation que in DiscourseP. In the spirit of the streamlined NoTopicP/FocusP proposal advocated in López (2009a), Kempchinsky (2013) acknowledges that it is necessary to assume that ForceP and FinitenessP frame yet another projection for |
4.1.3.4 Recomplementation que in (Doubled)ForceP. The analysis first laid out in Martín-González (2002) assumes that secondary que in recomplementation contexts heads a projection which he calls (Doubled)ForceP, sandwiched between TopicP and FinitenessP: |
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Sommario/riassunto |
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Complementizers offer a window into the architecture of the left-periphery and further our understanding of the demarcation of the boundaries between the C(omplementizer) and T(ense) domains. Using the articulated left-periphery as a laboratory and Spanish constructions featuring more than one complementizer as a point of departure, the author delivers new insights into the syntactic positions and behavior of Spanish complementizer que along the left edge. These observations have far-reaching consequences to such fundamental linguistic concepts as the derivation of left dislocations, ellipsis, |
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