Where do phonological features come from? : cognitive, physical and developmental bases of distinctive speech categories / / edited by G. Nick Clements Rachid Ridouane

• Record Nr.: UNINA9910814713203321
• Pubbl/distr/stampa: Amsterdam ; ; Philadelphia, : John Benjamins Pub. Co., 2011
• ISBN: 1-283-17490-1; 9786613174901; 90-272-8694-9
• Edizione: [1st ed.]
• Descrizione fisica: xv, 347 p. : ill. (some col.), port
• Collana: Language faculty and beyond ; ; v. 6
• Altri autori (Persone): ClementsGeorge N; RidouaneRachid
• Disciplina: 414
• Soggetti: Grammar, Comparative and general - Phonology; Speech perception; Language acquisition
• Lingua di pubblicazione: Inglese
• Formato: Materiale a stampa
• Livello bibliografico: Monografia
• Note generali: Bibliographic Level Mode of Issuance: Monograph
• Nota di bibliografia: Includes bibliographical references and index.
• Nota di contenuto: Where Do Phonological Features Come From? -- Editorial page -- Title page -- LCC data -- Dedication page -- Table of contents -- Obituary -- List of contributors -- Part 1. Introduction -- Editors' Overview -- 1. General and cognitive issues -- 2. Acoustic and articulatory bases of features -- 3. Extracting features from the signal -- 4. Features in phonological development -- 5. Envoi -- References -- Part II. General and cognitive issues -- Features, segments, and the sources of phonological primitives -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The nature of phonological primitives -- 2.1 The SPE view of the elements of phonology -- 2.2 The implication of language-specific phonetics -- 2.3 Distinctive features in characterizing contrast and alternations -- 2.4 Distinctive feature theory as approximately correct -- 3. Relationship between adult phonology and acquisition -- 3.1 Prerequisites for an understanding of language acquisition -- 3.2 Acquisition of initial consonants in English: A case of covert contrast -- 3.3 Learning of categories and features -- 4. Conclusions -- References -- Feature economy in natural, random, and synthetic ; inventories -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Calculating feature economy -- 3. The feature economy of natural languages -- 3.1 Procedures -- 3.2 The Feature Economist algorithm -- 3.3 Results -- 3.4 Discussion -- 4. The feature economy of random inventories -- 4.1 Procedures -- 4.2 Results -- 4.3 Discussion -- 5. The feature economy of synthetic inventories -- 6. General discussion and conclusions -- References -- Part III. Acoustic and articullatory bases of features -- Sound systems are shaped by their users -- 1. Introduction -- 1.1 Topic and goals -- 1.2 Outline of chapter -- 2. Place and 'perceptual contrast' -- 3. Place and 'articulatory cost' -- 3.1 Clues from physics and biology -- 3.2 Articulatory representations.; 3.3 Articulatory effort: A question of how far and fast -- 4. Place and phonetic learning -- 4.1 Targets, motor equivalence and the adaptive organization of speech production -- 4.2 The basic units of speech as dynamic phonetic gestures -- 4.3 Unpacking 'gesture': The formal definition -- 4.4 Targets and phonetic learning -- 4.5 The numerical modeling of motor equivalence -- 4.6 Clues from non-speech -- 4.7 Two developmental hypotheses -- 5. Computational experiments -- 5.1 The optimization criterion -- 5.2 Motivating the formula -- 6. Results -- 7. Discussion -- 7.1 Universal space of 'possible CV:s' -- 7.2 The origin of discrete recombinant units in phonology -- Acknowledgements -- References -- What features underline the /s/ vs. /s'/ contrast in Korean? -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Phonetic considerations -- 2.1 The features [c.g.] and [s.g.] -- 2.2 The features [stiff], [slack] and [tense] -- 2.3 Do we need tone rather than laryngeal features in Korean consonants? -- 2.4 Are fortis consonants geminates or singletons? -- 3. Phonological behavior of the fricatives /s, s'/ in favor of [s.g.] and [tense] -- 3.1 Intensified expressions -- 3.2 Post-Obstruent Tensification -- 3.3 Aspiration -- 3.4 Korean treatment of the English and French fricative [s] -- 3.5 Korean treatment of Japanese geminates -- 4. Some theoretical implications -- 4.1 The specification for the feature [-s.g.] in /s, s'/ -- 4.2 The feature [tense] rather than [voice] in Korean consonants -- 5. Conclusion -- Acknowledgements -- References -- Automaticity vs. feature-enhancement in the control of segmental F0 -- 1. Introduction -- 1.1 Consonant voicing -- 1.2 Vowel intrinsic F0 -- 1.3 German as a test case: The tense-lax opposition -- 1.4 Summary of the issues -- 2. Experimental procedures, speech material and subjects -- 2.1 Subject-specific details -- Subject CK -- Subject CG.; Subject SF -- 2.2 Processing of the EMG data: Estimating strength of muscle activation -- 2.3 Time alignment of EMG activity with F0 -- 3. Results -- 3.1 Consonant voicing -- 3.2 Vowel intrinsic F0 -- 3.2.1 A brief return to consonant voicing -- 3.3 Tense vs. Lax Vowels -- 4. General Discussion -- 4.1 Intrinsic F0 and vowel height -- 4.2 Consonant voicing -- 4.3 A different approach to the study of enhancement -- 5. Conclusion -- Acknowledgements -- Appendix -- References -- Part IV. Extracting features from the signal -- Categorization and Features -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The lingual articulation of /p/ -- 2.1 Subjects and method -- 2.2 Data extraction and analysis -- 2.3 Results -- 2.3.1 Post-consonantal /p/. -- 2.3.2 Pre-vocalic /p/. -- 2.3.3 Individual patterns. -- 2.4 Discussion -- 3. Articulatory demands? -- 4. Phonological evidence? -- 5. Perceptual evidence -- 6. Conclusion -- References -- Features as an emergent product of computing perceptual cues relative to expectations -- 1. Introduction -- 1.1 The search for discreteness in perception -- 1.2 Computing Cues Relative to Expectations -- 2. Vowel-to-vowel coarticulation as a test case -- 2.1 The Corpus -- 3. Testing the Parsing Model -- 3.1 Uncovering Features of the Target Vowel. -- 3.2 ; Anticipating the Context Vowel -- 4. Discussion and Conclusions -- Acknowledgments -- References -- Features are phonological transforms of natural boundaries -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Features and Boundaries -- 3. Voicing boundaries -- 4. Place of articulation boundaries: Psychoacoustic thresholds vs. contextual flexibility and multiple cueing -- 4.1 Central vs. peripheral vowel contexts: From psychoacoustics to articulatory representations -- 4.2 How percept-percept couplings contribute to fill the gap between psychoacoustics and articulatory representations.; 5. Consonants vs. vowels: A special instance of contextual flexibility -- 6. From psychoacoustics to phonology -- References -- Part V. Features in phonological development -- Features in child phonology -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Some history -- 3. Theoretical perspectives -- 3.1 The search for criteria: How may one define 'having a feature'? -- 3.2 Problems with the idea of the feature as 'unit' -- 3.3 Criteria based on class omission or feature spreading. -- 3.4 The minimal pair criterion -- 3.5 Gestural vs. feature analysis -- 4. Order of emergence and the effect of the ambient language -- 5. Our proposal: Features as emergents from first words -- 5.1 Micro-level analysis of features in a first typological gradient: Continuum in evidence for feature use in first words. -- 5.2 Transition to a more orderly state: The emergence of phonological structure -- 6. Variability based on recordings -- 7. Concluding reflections: The forest and the trees -- Appendix I. First words -- Group 4 Two or more minimal pairs -- clear featural organization -- Appendix II. Variability in first word forms: UK English -- References -- Phonological features in infancy -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Theoretical groundwork -- 3. Infants' learning of phonological generalizations -- 3. Experiment -- 5. Conclusions -- Acknowledgments -- References -- Acoustic cues to stop-coda voicing contrasts in the speech of American English 2-3 year-olds -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Methods -- 3. Results -- 4. Discussion -- Acknowledgments -- References -- Language index -- Subject index.
• Sommario/riassunto: Stevens (2002) postulates that speakers represent words in terms of distinctive features, with different acoustic cues signaling the feature contrasts in different contexts. Imbrie (2002) suggests that children use cues differently from adults in word-onset consonants. This paper explores these differences for word-final stops, using detailed acoustic analyses of cues to the voicing contrast in 2 children (2;5 and 3;2). Voiced coda stops were associated with a long voice bar during closure and an epenthetic vowel after release; voiceless coda stops with noisy and/or glottalized voice quality toward the vowel end, suggesting that incomplete control of gestural coordination, immature planning ability, or non-adult-like decisions about enhancing feature cues, may persist even after the child is producing recognizable stops.