Local instability : split topicalization and quantifier float in German / / Dennis Ott

• Record Nr.: UNINA9910788691303321
• Autore: Ott Dennis <1983->
• Pubbl/distr/stampa: Berlin ; ; Boston : , : De Gruyter, , 2012
• ISBN: 1-283-62873-2; 3-11-029095-2; 9786613941183
• Descrizione fisica: 1 online resource (184 pages)
• Collana: Linguistische Arbeiten, , 0344-6727 ; ; 544
• Disciplina: 435
• Soggetti: German language - Locative constructions; German language - Syntax; German language - Quantifiers; German language - Grammar; Minimalist theory (Linguistics)
• Lingua di pubblicazione: Inglese
• Formato: Materiale a stampa
• Livello bibliografico: Monografia
• Note generali: Originially presented as the author's thesis (doctoral-Harvard University) under the title: Local instability: The Syntax of Split Topics, 2011.
• Nota di bibliografia: Includes bibliographical references and index.
• Nota di contenuto: Front matter -- 0 Acknowledgments -- Contents -- 1 Introduction: Aims and Scope -- 2 Split Topics: Empirical Properties and Theoretical Problems -- 3 The Syntax of Split Topics: A Novel Approach -- 4 An Extension to Quantifer Float -- 5 Conclusion and Outlook -- References -- Index
• Sommario/riassunto: This monograph argues for a novel approach to split topicalization and quantifier float in German, based on the premise that syntactic structure-building proceeds solely via free application of Merge. Following recent developments in the pursuit of a more principled theory of syntax, it is argued that the stipulative notion of 'projection' ought to be dispensed with: syntactic objects created by Merge are not headed, and endocentricity arises due to a simple search algorithm. When this algorithm fails, specifically in symmetric {XP,YP} structures, an unlabeled constituent results; where a label is required, such structures are locally unstable. It is argued that both split topics and ; floated quantifiers are the result of this kind of local instability: when an exocentric predication structure is merged in argument or adjunct position, XP must be displaced at the phase level to allow for determination of a label. It is this symmetry-breaking movement that yields the 'split constituent' in surface form. Based on careful empirical scrutiny of two recalcitrant problems for syntactic theory, the present work adduces substantial support for a 'minimalist' grammatical architecture devoid of phrase-structural residue.